N, 


GIFT    OF 
JANE  K.SATHER 


jj 


THE  LIFE 


OF 


MAJOR-GENERAL 


PETER  MUHLENBERG 


OF  THE 


REVOLUTIONARY  ARMY, 


BY 

HENRY  A.  MUHLENBERG. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

CAREY    AND    HART. 

1849. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1848, 
BY  CAREY  AND  HART, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Eastern  District  of 
Pennsylvania. 


"•  '*.  t  !•*  .  C>  $  H  E  R  K  A  N,    P  T.  I  N  X  E  R, 
19  St.'  Jalnei  Street, 
Philada. 


TO 

JARED  SPARKS,  ESQ., 

THE  FOLLOWING  PAGES  ARE  INSCRIBED, 

AS  A  TOKEN  OF  RESPECT, 
FOR    ONE   WHO    HAS    DEVOTED    HIS    LIFE 

TO  THE  ELUCIDATION 
OF  OUR  REVOLUTIONARY  HISTORY. 


398666 


PREFACE. 


IN  submitting  the  following  pages  to  the  public,  the 
author  may  be  permitted  to  hope  that  his  trifling  contri 
bution  to  the  Revolutionary  history  of  the  country  will 
not  be  received  with  disfavour.  A  belief  that  the  mate 
rials  were  of  some  value,  was  the  first  inducement  to 
publication.  The  second,  was  the  wish  to  place  the  ser 
vices  of  General  Muhlenberg  in  their  proper  light ;  in 
doing  which,  however,  he  has  constantly  endeavoured  to 
avoid  being  biassed  by  the  natural  prejudice  in  favour  of 
a  relative.  The  work  itself  will  show  that  he  has 
anxiously  consulted  all  accessible  authorities,  and  at 
least  endeavoured  to  draw  from  them  impartial  conclu 
sions. 

Much  of  the  matter  referring  to  the  Virginia  cam 
paigns  has  been  hitherto  unpublished,  that  part  of  the 
war  having  been  much  neglected  by  historians.  The 
materials  here  collected  may  therefore  in  some  measure 
aid  future  writers. 

1* 


VI  PREFACE. 

In  conclusion,  the  author  wishes  to  return  his  sincere 
thanks  to  those  persons  who  have  kindly  aided  him  with 
the  MS.  collections  in  their  possession.  His  acknow 
ledgments  are  especially  due  to  the  Hon.  James  Bucha 
nan,  for  permitting  a  full  examination  of  the  Washington 
Papers,  in  the  Department  of  State  ;  to  P.  M.  Nightin 
gale,  Esq.,  of  Georgia,  for  copies  of  portions  of  General 
Greene's  Papers ;  and  to  the  librarian  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society,  for  access  to  the  valuable  MS.  col 
lections  of  the  Society. 

Among  the  many  applications  of  this  kind  he  has 
been  necessarily  obliged  to  make,  he  is  happy  to  say 
that  in  but  two  instances  has  he  been  met  with  a  re 
fusal. 

He  also  gratefully  acknowledges  his  obligations  to 
F.  A.  Muhlenberg,  Esq.,  of  Lancaster,  whose  aid  in  the 
collection  of  materials  has  been  invaluable. 

READING,  Aug.  1,  1848. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Introductory  Remarks — Birth — Account  of  his  Family — 
Condition  of  German  Emigrants  in  America — Want  of 
Religious  Instruction — Arrival  of  Henry  Melchior  Muh- 
lenberg — His  Character — His  Influence  over  the  Germans 
— Education  of  the  Son — Sent  to  the  University  of  Halle — 
His  Conduct  there — Expelled,  and  Enlists  in  a  Regiment 
of  Dragoons — Anecdote  of  the  Battle  of  Brandywine — Re 
turns  to  America — Studies  Theology — Is  Ordained — Sta 
tioned  in  New  Jersey  —  His  Marriage  —  Is  called  to 
Virginia — Reasons  for  new  Ordination — Sails  for  England 
— His  Ordination — Stay  in  London — Return  to  America  -  13 


CHAPTER  II. 

Condition  of  Virginia — German  Population  of  that  State — 
His  Arrival  and  Residence — His  Conduct  in  the  Early 
Disturbances — Meeting  in  Dunmorc  County — Resolutions 
Passed — Elected  to  the  House  of  Burgesses — Appointed 
Delegate  to  the  Convention — His  Course  in  that  Body — 
Commencement  of  Hostilities — Appointed  Colonel  of  the 
Eighth  Virginia  Regiment — Farewell  Sermon  at  Wood 
stock — Success  in  Enlistment — Ordered  to  Suffolk — Con- 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

duct  of  Lord  Dunmore — Arrival  of  General  Lee — Ordered 
to  North  Carolina — Ordered  to  Charleston — Battle  of  Sulli 
van's  Island — Lee's  Despatch — Doubt  as  to  Rank  of  the 
Eighth  Regiment — General  Lee's  Letter  to  the  Secretary 
of  War — Resolution  of  Congress — Lee's  Friendship — Ex 
pedition  to  Florida — Reason  of  its  Failure — Ravages  of 
Disease  at  Savannah — Ordered  to  the  North — Arrives  in 
Virginia 38 


CHAPTER  III. 

Recruiting  in  Virginia — Promoted  to  the  Rank  of  Brigadier- 
General — Letter  to  General  Washington — Duties  assigned 
him  in  Virginia — Appointed  to  a  Brigade — Arrives  at  Head- 
Quarters — Movements  in  Jersey — The  Army  marches  to 
Philadelphia — Uncertainty  as  to  the  Enemy's  Movements — 
Council  of  War — Strength  of  his  Brigade — March  through 
Philadelphia — General  Orders  there  issued — Reasons  for 
giving  Battle — General  Washington's  Appeal  to  the  Army 
— Its  loose  Discipline — Movements  of  the  two  Armies — 
Battle  of  Brandywine — Disposition  of  the  Americans — 
Rout  of  the  Right  Wing — Extraordinary  March  of  the 
Reserve — Gallant  Conduct  of  Muhlenberg's  and  Weedon's 
Brigades — Pursuit  of  the  Enemy  checked — Retreating 
Army  saved — Reasons  for  not  being  mentioned  in  the 
Despatch— Fall  of  Philadelphia 70 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Continuation  of  Campaign  of  1777 — Discipline  of  his  Brigade 
— Council  of  War — Battle  of  Germantown — Position  of  the 
Enemy — American  Plan  of  Attack — Progress  of  Main 
Body — Position  of  Wayne  and  Stephen — Progress  of  Left 


CONTENTS.  IX 

Column  —  Gains  the  Centre  of  Village  —  Muhlenberg's 
Charge — Defeat  of  British  Right  Wing — Retreat  of  Ame 
rican  Main  Body — Left  Column  surrounded — Its  Retreat 
— Capture  of  the  Ninth  Virginia  Regiment — Muhlenberg's 
Brigade  retreats  last — Exposure  of  his  Person — Causes  of 
the  Censure  attempted  to  be  cast  upon  General  Greene 
and  the  Left  Column — Contemplated  Attack  upon  Phila 
delphia — General  Muhlenberg's  Opinion  on  the  Canton 
ment  of  the  Troops — Opinion  on  a  proposed  Winter  Cam 
paign  and  Attack  on  Philadelphia — Remains  at  Valley 
Forge  during  the  Winter — Attempts  to  capture  Him — 
Anecdote — Dispute  of  Rank  with  General  Woodford — 
Statement  of  the  Case—Referred  to  a  Board  of  General 
Officers — Letter  to  Congress — Letters  to  and  from  General 
Washington — His  Resignation  not  accepted — Letter  to  the 
Virginia  Delegation — Resolution  of  Congress — Opinion  of 
Patrick  Henry — Settlement  of  the  Dispute  -  -  -  102 


CHAPTER  V. 

Opening  of  the  Campaign  of  1778 — Plan  of  Operation  pro- 
posed  —  General  Muhlenberg's  Opinion — Rejoicings  at 
Valley  Forge — Council  of  War — Opinion  on  the  Propriety 
of  a  General  Action — Evacuation  of  Philadelphia — Council 
of  War — Battle  of  Monmouth — Position  of  his  Brigade — 
Attack  upon  Greene's  Division — Conduct  in  the  Action — 
Army  at  the  White  Plains — Reorganization  of  Brigades 
—  Muhlenberg  advanced  to  King's  Bridge — Proposed 
March  to  the  Eastward — His  Opinion — Selection  of  Winter 
Quarters — Application  for  Leave  of  Absence — Washing 
ton's  Reply — Assigned  the  Command  of  a  Division — 
Dinner  to  General  Putnam — March  to  Middlebrook — 
Sudden  Return — Gaiety  at  Middlebrook — Preparations  for 


CONTENTS. 

the  Campaign — March  of  the  Army  to  the  Highlands — 
Attack  upon  Stony  Point — Arrangement  of  the  Virginia 
Line — Ordered  to  the  South  with  his  Command — Destina 
tion  Changed — Directed  to  assume  the  Chief  Command  in 
Virginia 141 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Condition  of  Virginia — Weakness  of  the  South — Importance 
of  the  Duties  assigned  Him — Support  of  the  Southern 
Army — Defence  of  the  State — His  Journey — Deficiency  of 
Munitions  of  War — Small  Number  of  Troops — Conscrip 
tion  Law  proposed — Letter  from  General  Washington — 
His  Reply — Captivity  of  the  Virginia  Line — Great  Exer 
tions  necessary — Reorganization  of  the  Virginia  Line — 
General  Washington's  Letter — Arrival  and  Departure  of 
General  Gates — Condition  of  Troops  in  Virginia — Sends 
Reinforcements  to  General  Gates — Difficulty  of  equipping 
them — General  Leslie  invades  Virginia — General  Muhlen- 
berg  marches  against  the  Enemy — His  strength — Letter  to 
General  Gates — His  Army  reinforced  to  Five  Thousand 
Men — Deficiency  in  Artillery — Project  of  capturing  the 
Enemy  by  Aid  of  the  French  Fleet— The  British  re-em- 
bark — Volunteers  and  Militia  discharged — General  Order 
—Letter  to  the  Board  of  War  -  -  -  -  178 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Arrival  of  Baron  Steuben — Orders  of  General  Greene — 
Mutiny  of  the  Troops  ordered  South — Suppressed  by 
General  Muhlenberg — Arnold's  Invasion — Its  Object — 
Condition  of  Troops  at  Chesterfield — Letter  to  Steuben — 
Movements  of  the  Enemy — Position  of  American  Troops 


CONTENTS.  XI 

— Plan  to  capture  Arnold — Condition  of  Muhlenberg's 
Forces  before  Portsmouth — Letter  to  Steuben — Report 
relative  to  Attack  on  the  Town — Extract  from  Letter  to 
Greene — Appearance  of  the  French  Fleet — Plan  of  Opera 
tions — Reasons  for  its  Failure — Letters  from  Steuben — 
Proposed  Arrival  of  the  whole  French  Fleet  and  General 
Lafayette's  Land  Forces — Position  of  American  Troops — 
General  Gregory's  Treason — Distress  in  Portsmouth — 
Lafayette's  Arrival — Appearance  of  the  English  Fleet — 
Lafayette's  Return — Arrival  of  General  Phillips — Letter 
to  Steuben  —  Muhlenberg's  Retreat  —  Desertion  of  the 
Militia — Letter  to  Steuben — The  Enemy  ascend  James 

River — General  Muhlenberg  takes  Post   at   Blandford 

Battle  of  Blandford  —  Jefferson's  Letter  —  Muhlenberg's 
Letter — Steuben's  General  Order — Greene's  Letter — Ar 
nold's  Report — Arrival  of  Lafayette — Junction  of  the 
Americans — Retreat  of  the  Enemy  -  -  _  -  216 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Takes  Command  of  the  Regular  Light  Infantry — Position  of 
the  American  Forces — Junction  of  Cornwallis  and  Arnold 
— Lafayette's  Retreat — Cornwallis's  Retreat — Tarleton's 
Attack  upon  Muhlenberg's  Corps — Orders  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton — Battle  of  Greenspring — General  Muhlenberg's 
advance  without  Orders — General  Wayne  Extricated — 
Strength  of  American  Army — Plans  of  Combined  Attack 
upon  Yorktown — Cornwallis's  design  to  Retreat  south 
wardly  by  Land — Muhlenberg  ordered  to  Oppose  the 
Movement--— His  letter  to  General  Jones — Returns  to  Com 
mand  of  the  American  Advance — Great  Vigilance  required 
— Letter  to  General  Washington — Assault  on  the  "Twin 
Batteries" — Examination  of  Colonel  Hamilton's  Claims — 
Evidence  in  favour  of  General  Muhlenberg — Receives 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

Leave  of  Absence — Letter  to  General  Washington — Ap 
plies  for  Orders  to  join  General  Greene — Assigned  the 
Command  of  Virginia — His  Duties — Correspondence  with 
Greene — Letter  from  General  Washington — Promoted  to 
the  Rank  of  Major-General — The  Army  Disbanded — Re 
moves  to  Pennsylvania — Journey  to  the  Falls  of  Ohio — 
Extracts  from  his  Journal— Letter  to  the  President  of 
Congress — Letter  to  Baron  Steuben— Second  Journey  to 
the  West 254 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Civil  Life  of  General  Muhlenberg— The  Society  of  the  Cin 
cinnati — His  Connexion  with  the  Order — Elected  Vice- 
President  of  Pennsylvania — Insurrection  in  Wyoming — 
Its  Causes — Exertions  in  favour  of  Ratification  of  the  Con 
stitution — Elected  Member  of  the  First  Congress — Course 
in  that  Body — Coolness  with  General  Washington — Its 
Cause — Command  of  the  Indian  Army — Baron  Steuben's 
Annuity — Removal  of  Congress — Formation  of  a  new 
State  Constitution— The  Trout  Letter— Elected  Member  of 
the  Third  Congress — Proposed  by  the  President  as  one  of 
the  Generals  in  the  New  Army — Elected  Member  of  the 
Sixth  Congress — Condition  of  Parties — His  Support  of  Mr. 
Jefferson — Election  of  1800 — Plan  for  Declaring  the  Elec 
tion  Null — Mr.  Jefferson's  Letter — Course  of  General 
Muhlenberg— Elected  to  the  United  States  Senate— Ap 
pointed  Supervisor  of  Pennsylvania — Collector  of  Phila 
delphia—His  Death  and  Character  -  -  -  -  307 

NOTES 335 

LETTERS         ......---  353 

JOURNAL        ..._..---  425 
LIST  OF  OFFICERS    -  453 


MEMOIR 

OF 

GENERAL  MUHLENBERG. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Introductory  Remarks — Birth — Account  of  his  Family — Condi 
tion  of  German  Emigrants  in  America — Want  of  Religious 
Instruction — Arrival  of  Henry  Melchior  Muhlenberg — His 
Character — His  Influence  over  the  Germans — Education  of 
the  Son — Sent  to  the  University  of  Halle — His  Conduct  there 
— Expelled,  and  Enlists  in  a  Regiment  of  Dragoons — Anec 
dote  of  the  Battle  of  Brandywine — Returns  to  America — Stu 
dies  Theology — Is  Ordained — Stationed  in  New  Jersey — His 
Marriag*? — Is  called  to  Virginia — Reasons  for  new  Ordination 
— Sails  for  England — His  Ordination — Stay  in  London — Re 
turn  to  America. 

IT  is  a  pious  duty  to  rescue  the  memory  of  the 
great  and  good  men  who  achieved  our  indepen 
dence,  from  that  oblivion  into  which  it  is  fast  falling. 
Year  after  year  as  it  rolls  by,  diminishes  the  still 
surviving  number  of  their  followers,  and  their  equals 
and  companions  have,  without  an  exception,  gone 
to  their  long  homes.  Thus  many  important  facts 
2 


14  'il£MOJK  OF 

and  incidents  of  that  great  struggle,  which  lived 
only  in  the  memory  of  their  actors,  have  been  lost 
for  ever,  and  those  still  preserved  by  tradition,  will 
soon  share  the  same  fate,  unless  the  attempt  at  pre 
servation  be  now  made. 

The  destroying  hand  of  time  too,  has  been  laid 
heavily  upon  the  less  perishable  remains  of  the 
Revolution.  The  written  documents  of  that  period, 
preserved  with  scrupulous  care  by  their  original 
possessors,  have  in  many  instances  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  those  by  whom  their  value  is  not  ap 
preciated,  often  not  understood.  Few  remain  of 
the  numerous  collections  of  these  invaluable  papers, 
which  must  have  existed  throughout  the  whole 
country  at  the  close  of  the  war.  Many  have  al 
ready  perished  under  the  combined  influence  of 
ignorance  and  carelessness,  and  the  same  causes 
are  rapidly  producing  the  destruction  of  the  rem 
nant  still  in  existence.  If  then,  the  still  unwritten 
history  of  those  dark  and  gloomy  times  is  to  be 
preserved — if  the  American  people  are  anxious  to 
record  the  devotion  and  gallant  services  of  those 
who  perilled  everything  in  their  cause — the  work 
can  be  no  longer  delayed. 

The  most  prominent  leaders  of  the  Revolution 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  15 

can  never  be  forgotten  whilst  a  page  of  history 
remains.  Their  deeds,  their  name  and  fame,  are 
written  in  the  annals  of  the  world.  All  mankind 
revere  the  name  of  a  Washington,  or  a  Lafayette, 
and  exult  that  their  rac3  could  produce  such  MEN. 
Their  position  gave  them  celebrity,  their  acts  im 
mortality  ;  but  without  the  first  they  might  have 
lived  and  died  unhonoured  and  unknown.  There 
were  others,  to  whom  fortune  denied  such  oppor 
tunity.  Brave  and  gallant,  skilful  and  experienced 
as  they  undoubtedly  were,  yielding  to  none  in  devo 
tion  to  the  great  cause,  and  in  sacrifices  for  its 
sake,  their  inferior  rank  prevented  their  services 
from  being  so  extensively  known,  and  receiving 
their  due  meed  of  applause. 

These  men  appeal  to  their  country  for  justice. 
For  her  they  sacrificed  everything;  she  then  should 
revere  and  cherish  their  memory.  The  names  of 
Washington,  Lafayette,  and  Greene,  are  the  pro 
perty  of  the  world ;  those  of  Steuben,  Sullivan, 
Morgan,  Muhlenberg,  Reed,  Knox,  Weedon,  and 
many  others,  are  more  exclusively  that  of  the  Ame 
rican  people.  Yet  the  memory  of  their  acts,  their 
fame  and  their  very  names  are  fast  perishing  among 
the  people  for  whom  they  sacrificed  so  much,  and 
were  it  not  for  sketches  like  the  present,  in  a  few 


16  MEMOIR  OF 

years  more  they  would  be  forgotten,  or  at  most  re 
membered  only  by  a  single  anecdote  of  some  gallant 
act  or  bold  speech.  Yet  in  their  day  these  men 
filled  a  large  space  in  the  public  esteem,  and  grati 
tude  as  well  as  justice  imperatively  demands  that 
their  services  should  not  be  forgotten. 

That  trait  too  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  character, 
which  delights  in  heaping  honours  and  rewards 
upon  the  head  of  the  successful  leader,  whilst  it 
seems  studiously  to  court  forgetfulness  of  all  inferior 
objects,  is  too  common  among  Americans.  The 
German  and  French  people  act  more  justly  in  this 
respect,  and  the  memory  of  the  lieutenants  of  their 
great  commanders  is  cherished  with  almost  equal 
veneration.  Their  deeds  are  remembered  by  the 
nations  they  served,  not  appropriated  to  build  up  a 
colossal  reputation  for  their  chief.  Thus  in  the 
memory  of  the  people,  Napoleon  and  Frederick  are 
surrounded  by  a  brilliant  circle  of  subordinates, 
whilst  Wellington  stands  almost  alone.  This  mode 
of  thinking  has  retarded  very  much  the  minute 
elucidation  of  our  Revolutionary  history,  and  caused 
losses  not  now  to  be  repaired. 

In  this  spirit  then  the  following  pages  are  written. 
There  will  be  found  in  them  no  attempt  to  detract 
from  the  just  reputation  of  any  one,  but  a  simple 


GENERAL  MUHLENEERG.  17 

effort  is  made  to  do  justice  to  the  character  and 
acts  of  one  of  the  inferior  general  officers  of  the 
Revolution,  who  served  his  country  well  and  faith 
fully.  If  success  attend  his  efforts  in  this  respect, 
the  writer  will  have  accomplished  all  he  desired ; 
and  if  in  addition  the  hitherto  unpublished  docu 
ments  in  his  plain  narrative,  should  throw  new  light 
upon  any  portion  of  our  Revolutionary  History,  he 
will  be  more  than  amply  repaid  for  his  labour. 


The  subject  of  the  present  memoir,  JOHN  PETER 
GABRIEL  MUHLENBERG,  afterwards  a  Major-General 
in  the  army  of  the  Revolution,  was  born  October 
1,  1746,  at  the  village  of  the  Trappe,  in  Mont 
gomery  County,  Pennsylvania.  His  father,  Henry 
Melchior  Muhlenberg,  D.D.,  the  founder  of  the 
Lutheran  Church  in  America,  emigrated  from  Ger 
many  in  the  year  1742.  Shortly  after  his  arrival 
he  led  to  the  altar,  Anna,  a  daughter  of  Col.  Conrad 
Weiser,  a  celebrated  officer  and  Indian  agent,  in 
the  provincial  history  of  Pennsylvania.  Of  this  union 
Peter  was  the  eldest  child. 

His  future  history  is  so  intimately  connected  with 
2* 


18  MEMOIR  OF 

that  of  the  German  population  of  Virginia  and 
Pennsylvania,  and  his  influence  over  them,  always 
exerted  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  was  so  great,  that 
it  will  be  proper  to  seek  its  cause.  To  do  this,  a 
brief  reference  to  the  earlier  history  of  the  family 
will  be  necessary. 

As  early  as  the  year  1700,  the  tide  of  German 
emigration  commenced  swelling  towards  the  new 
world.  With  each  year  it  increased,  and  as  the 
descendants  of  the  earlier  emigrants  clung  with  a 
tenacity  peculiarly  German  to  the  language,  man 
ners  and  customs  of  their  forefathers,  in  a  few 
years  the  German  population  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
other  of  the  Middle  States,  became  numerous  and 
widely  scattered.  But  the  emigrants  were  for  the 
most  part  in  humble  circumstances,  and  settled  as 
they  were  on  the  dividing  line  between  civilized 
and  savage  life,  exposed  daily  and  almost  hourly  to 
the  incursions  of  hostile  Indians,  their  situation  and 
comforts  did  not  improve  with  their  increasing 
numbers.  The  most  grievous  of  their  deprivations, 
however,  was  the  want  of  that  religious  instruction 
to  which  they  had  been  accustomed  from  early 
childhood. 

The  Germans  are  an  essentially  religious  people, 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  19 

and  these  early  emigrants,  generally  followers  of 
Luther,  seem  to  have  been  peculiarly  sensitive  upon 
this  subject.  Separated  from  the  world,  and  from 
human  aid,  buried  in  interminable  forests,  it  is  but 
natural  that  their  religious  feeling  should  have  been 
strengthened  by  their  situation,  and  that  like  the 
Puritans  they  should  have  put  their  trust  in  the 
Lord  of  Hosts  and  in  Him  alone.  Certain  it  is  that 
their  destitute  condition  in  this  respect,  weighed 
upon  them  more  heavily  than  the  want  of  any  of 
the  comforts  of  civilized  life. 

Accordingly  we  find  their  early  correspondence 
with  their  brethren  in  Germany,  filled  with  com 
plaints  upon  this  head,  and  with  requests  that  the 
rulers  of  the  church  should  send  them  proper  pas 
tors.  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,  for  among 
the  many  thousand  Germans  scattered  throughout 
the  colonies,  prior  to  the  year  1740,  there  was  not  to 
be  found  a  single  clergyman ;  or  (with  perhaps  one 
or  two  exceptions,)  a  single  permanent  place  of 
worship.  Wandering  outcasts  there  were,  it  is  true, 
whose  assumption  of  the  sacred  garb  only  served  to 
bring  religion  into  disrepute,  and  to  sow  dissensions 
among  the  members  of  the  church ;  but  no  pro 
perly  ordained  minister  had  as  yet  come  among 


20  MEMOIR  OF 

these  poor  exiles,  to  give  them  that  spiritual  in 
struction,  the  want  of  which  they  so  severely  felt. 
This  state  of  things  too,  was  beginning  to  exert  its 
influence  upon  the  younger  members  of  these  com 
munities,  and  it  was  feared  that  in  a  short  time  the 
devotional  spirit,  which  is  the  most  beautiful  cha 
racteristic  of  the  German  race,  would  be  utterly 
extinct  among  them. 

In  the  mean  time,  however,  the  situation  of  the 
Germans  in  America,  was  exciting  much  interest 
among  their  fellow  Lutherans  in  Germany,  and  that 
the  desired  aid  was  not  sooner  extended,  was  in 
great  part  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  selecting  a 
person  willing  to  accept  the  trust,  and  at  the  same 
time  possessed  of  the  proper  qualifications.  These 
were  required  necessarily  to  be  of  a  high  order. 
Dissensions  were  to  be  healed,  improper  persons, 
who  had  gathered  congregations,  were  to  be  re 
moved  ;  and  the  Swedish,  as  well  as  the  German 
Lutherans,  were  to  be  placed  under  his  guidance. 

At  length  the  choice  of  the  church  fell  upon 
Henry  Melchior  Muhlenberg,  an  alumnus  of  Got- 
tingen,  and  at  that  time  residing  at  the  University 
of  Halle.  His  family  was  originally  Saxon,  but  like 
many  of  the  earlier  followers  of  Luther,  suffered 


GENERAL  MUHLENEERG.  21 

heavily  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  and  becoming 
impoverished,  removed  to  Eimbeck,  in  Hanover; 
then  a  free  city  of  the  Empire.  Here,  in  the  year 
1711,  Henry  was  born.  The  early  death  of  his 
father,  who  held  a  judicial  post,  upon  which  the 
support  of  his  family  depended,  arrested  his  educa 
tion  at  a  most  critical  period ;  but  the  deep-toned 
piety  of  the  boy,  and  his  love  of  learning,  were  not 
to  be  repressed  by  adversity,  his  conduct  soon  rais 
ing  him  up  friends  whose  kindness  enabled  him  to 
pursue  the  course  originally  designed  for  him.  In 
this  school  of  domestic  affliction,  were  formed  those 
marked  traits  of  character,  that  mixture  of  Chris 
tian  humility  with  courageous  energy  and  stern 
determination  of  purpose,  which  so  much  distin 
guished  his  after  life. 

In  the  year  1735,  he  entered  the  University  of 
Gottingen,  where  his  merits  as  a  scholar  attracted 
the  favourable  notice  of  Gesner,  and  his  active 
practical  piety,  devoting  itself  to  the  illumination  of 
the  most  neglected  portion  of  the  community,  pro 
cured  him  the  grateful  acknowledgment  of  the 
heads  of  the  University.  His  conduct  here  gained 
him  powerful  friends,  among  whom  were  Count 
Reuss  XXIV.,  whose  chaplain  he  was;  and  Count 


22  MEMOIR  OF 

Erdman  Henkel,  by  whose  advice  he,  after  his 
graduation,  removed  to  Halle.  At  the  latter  place 
he  formed  the  most  intimate  relations  with  the 
authorities  of  that  university;  with  Franke,  Cel- 
larius,  and  the  Inspector  Fabricius,  who  were  at 
that  time  among  the  most  distinguished  lights  of  the 
church.  By  their  advice  he  consented  to  accept 
the  charge  offered  him  in  America,  and  their  friend 
ship  cheered  and  enlivened  his  after  life  in  his  ar 
duous  mission. 

In  the  spring  of  1742,  he  left  Halle  for  London, 
where  he  found  an  old  friend,  Dr.  Ziegenhagen, 
who  as  the  private  chaplain  of  George  II.  was 
enabled  to  further  materially  the  objects  of  his  mis 
sion.  In  September  he  arrived  at  Charleston,  S.  C., 
and  finally,  after  a  dangerous  and  disagreeable  jour 
ney,  reached  his  charge  in  Philadelphia,  Nov.  25, 
1742. 

His  arrival  was  a  source  of  unlimited  joy  to  the 
Germans,  who  had  been  so  long  expecting  him. 
They  saw  themselves  at  last  gathered  together 
under  the  charge  of  a  priest  consecrated  to  the  ser 
vice  of  God  according  to  the  forms  of  their  fathers ; 
and  a  more  intimate  knowledge  of  the  man,  only 
served  to  strengthen  the  love  and  veneration  with 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  23 

which  his  calling  inspired  them.1     Here  is  not  the 
place  to  recite  his  labours,  his  sufferings,  and  his 
success;    suffice   it  to  say  that  he  laboured   most 
assiduously  in  his  vocation,  visiting  all  parts  of  the 
country,  from  New  York  to  Georgia,  wherever  any 
scattered  portions  of  his  charge  were  to  be  found ; 
everywhere  healing  dissensions,  relieving  the  afflict 
ed,  and  preaching  the  Gospel  to  those  who  had 
been  so  long  deprived  of  that  blessing.     Nothing 
deterred  him  from  his  duty.     On  the  frontiers  his 
life  was  frequently  in  danger  from  the  hostile  In 
dians,  who  had   swept  through  his   congregations 
with  fire  and   sword;    and  oftentimes  his  skill  in 
surgery  was  used  to  cure  these  poor  victims  of  bar 
barity.3    His  education  fitted  him  peculiarly  for  the 
duties  he  was   obliged  to  perform.     A  ripe  theo 
logian,  he  was  at  the  same  time  otherwise  a  highly 
educated  man,  and  preached  in  all  the  languages 
then  spoken  on  this  continent.     In  New  York  he 
frequently   addressed  English,    German,  and  Low 
Dutch  congregations,  each  in  their  own  language, 
upon  the  same  day.     But  great  as  were  his  qualifi 
cations  in  this  respect,  they  were  exceeded  by  those 
with  which  nature  had  endowed  him,  and  which 
were  far  more  important  to  the  success  of  his  la- 


24  MEMOIR  OF 

hours.  Mild  and  gentle,  he  yet  possessed  firmness 
and  an  integrity  of  purpose,  which  naught  could 
move.  Eloquent,  he  could  perfectly  adapt  his  style 
of  speaking  to  his  auditory,  and  either  rivet  the 
attention  of  a  synod,  or  melt  the  heart  of  the  wild 
frontier-man.  Just,  the  churches  throughout  the 
whole  land,  and  even  their  individual  members,  ap 
pealed  to  his  decision  in  case  of  dispute,  and  his 
word  was  law.  Withal  an  humble  and  sincere 
Christian,  illustrating  his  precepts  in  his  daily  life, 
he  was  a  father  to  the  fatherless,  and  his  charity 
and  good  counsels  were  freely  extended  to  all  who 
sought  them. 

That  such  a  man  should  have  won  the  devoted 
love  of  all  who  knew  him  is  not  strange,  and  accor 
dingly  we  find  that  the  esteem  and  veneration  felt 
for  him  by  the  congregations  of  his  creed  was  un 
bounded.  They  bestowed  upon  him  the  affectionate 
name  of  "  Father  Muhlenberg,"3  a  name  by  which 
he  is  still  known  among  the  Lutherans  of  this 
country,  and  he  retained  his  position  as  head  of  the 
church  which  he  had  founded,  during  the  whole  of 
his  long  and  useful  life.  Among  the  Germans  his 
influence  was  especially  great.  He  was  their  coun 
tryman,  and  needing,  they  received  most  of  his 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  25 

paternal  care,  which  they  repaid  with  the  strongest 
affection  for  himself  and  his  children.  This  influ 
ence  was  always  exerted  for  his  country,  both  by 
himself  and  his  sons,  and  it  will  hereafter  be  found 
to  have  had  much  effect  upon  the  career  of  the  sub 
ject  of  this  memoir. 

Peter,  as  has  already  been  stated,  was  born  in 
Montgomery  County.  His  father  had  resided  in 
Philadelphia  from  the  date  of  his  disembarkation, 
until  the  year  1745,  when  the  arrival  of  other  minis 
ters  from  Germany  enabled  him  to  give  up  the 
congregations  in  the  city,  and  bestow  more  of  his 
attention  to  the  affairs  of  the  church  generally.  He 
therefore  removed  to  the  Trappe,  where  the  largest 
and  most  flourishing  of  the  Lutheran  churches  was 
then  situated.  Thus  Peter  was  emphatically  a 
country  boy,  and  soon  became  skilled  in  all  vigor 
ous  and  athletic  exercises,  for  which  he  seems  to 
have  had  a  natural  aptness.  From  his  father's  pecu 
liar  position,  as  well  perhaps  as  from  his  mode  of 
thinking,  the  son  was  destined  almost  from  the 
cradle  for  the  ministerial  office,  and  in  pursuance 
of  that  design,  great  pains  wrere  taken  with  his  early 
education.  It  was  conducted  under  the  immediate 
supervision  of  his  father,  until  the  removal  of  the 
3 


26  MEMOIR  OF 

family  lo  Philadelphia,  which  occurred  in  the  year 
1761.  Here  he  was  entered  at  the  academy  under 
the  care  of  the  Provost,  Dr.  Smith,  where  he  re 
mained  a  few  years.  The  system  of  education, 
however,  at  that  time  in  this  country,  was  extremely 
limited,  and  his  father  soon  found  it  necessary  to 
make  preparations  for  sending  him  with  his  brothers 
to  Europe.  As  early  as  the  fall  of  1762,  we  find 
Dr.  Muhlenberg  in  correspondence  with  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Duche,  at  that  time  junior  minister  of  the  High 
Church  in  Philadelphia,  who  intended  shortly  visit 
ing  England,  and  who  had  promised  to  take  charge 
of  Peter  during  the  voyage.  The  journey  of  Mr. 
Duche  was  however  prevented  at  that  time,  and 
the  opportunity,  then  rare  between  the  two  coun 
tries,  was  lost.  In  the  spring  of  1763  another  offer 
presented  itself;  Chief  Justice  Allen,  long  a  resident 
of  Philadelphia,  and  an  intimate  friend  of  Dr.  Muh- 
lenberg,  was  about  returning  to  England,  and  kindly 
consented  to  take  charge  of  his  sons  that  far  upon 
their  journey. 

On  the  27th  of  April,  1763,  Peter,  then  sixteen 
years  old,  with  his  two  younger  brothers,  Frederick 
and  Henry,  embarked  on  board  the  packet  ship, 
Captain  Budden,  and  left  Philadelphia  for  London. 


GENERAL  MUIILENEERG.  27 

There,  as  all  were  extremely  young,  they  were  to 
be  put  under  the  care  of  Dr.  Ziegenhagen,  who  un 
dertook  to  send  them  to  Halle,  their  place  of  desti 
nation.  Once  arrived  at  the  latter  place,  the  want  of 
paternal  care  would  be  fully  supplied  by  the  atten 
tion  of  the  many  friends  their  father  had  made 
during  his  sojourn  at  that  university.  On  the  15th 
of  June  they  arrived  in  London,  and  after  a  short 
stay  departed  via  Rotterdam  for  Halle,  where  they 
arrived  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year.  Here  they 
entered  the  preparatory  department,  being  not  yet 
sufficiently  advanced  to  become  members  of  the 
University. 

The  following  characteristic  extract  of  a  letter 
from  his  father  to  Dr.  Ziegenhagen,  dated  Oct.  27, 
1763,  gives  a  general  outline  of  the  boy's  character, 
and  shows  his  apprehension,  afterwards  realized, 
that  Peter  would  prove  a  troublesome  subject.  "  My 
son  Peter  has  alas  enjoyed  but  little  of  my  care  and 
control,  on  account  of  my  extensive  official  duties, 
but  he  has  had  no  evil  example  from  his  parents, 
and  many  reproofs  and  counsels.  His  chief  fault 
and  bad  inclination,  has  been  his  fondness  for  hunt 
ing  and  fishing.  But  if  our  most  reverend  fathers 
at  Halle  observe  any  tendency  to  vice,  I  would 


28  MEMOIR  OF 

humbly  beg  that  they  send  him  to  a  well-disciplined 
garrison  town,  under  the  name  of  Peter  Weiser, 
before  he  causes  much  trouble  or  complaint.  There 
he  may  obey  the  drum  if  he  will  not  follow  the 
spirit  of  God.  My  prayers  will  follow  him,  and  if 
his  soul  only  is  saved,  be  he  in  what  condition  he 
may,  I  shall  be  content.  I  well  know  what  Satan 
wishes  for  me  and  mine." 

These  anticipations  were  soon  realized.  Perhaps 
the  young  Americans  were  looked  upon  as  demi- 
savages  by  their  German  fellow-students,  and  per 
haps  Peter's  disposition  was  too  fiery  to  submit  to 
the  strict  discipline  of  a  German  school,  at  that 
time  strict  even  to  the  verge  of  cruelty.  Be  that  as 
it  may,  whether  caused  by  one  or  the  other  reason, 
or  by  a  combination  of  both,  Peter  was  continually 
in  trouble.  Things  went  on  from  bad  to  worse, 
until  some  time  in  the  year  1764,  upon  the  occasion 
of  a  public  procession  in  the  presence  of  the  heads 
of  the  University,  some  insult  was  offered  him  by 
his  tutor,  which  his  hot  temper  would  not  brook, 
and  it  was  avenged  upon  the  spot  by  a  blow. 

This  outrage  rendered  his  expulsion  inevitable. 
He  did  not,  however,  wait  for  its  official  notifica 
tion,  but  collecting  his  little  property,  fled  from  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  29 

University.  A  regiment  of  dragoons  was  passing 
through  the  town,  in  which  upon  the  spur  of  the 
moment  he  enlisted,  little  thinking  that  his  father 
had  recommended  that  very  remedy  to  cool  his  hot 
blood.  Although  not  eighteen,  he  was  tall  and  well 
proportioned,  and  so  desirable  a  recruit  was  readily 
accepted.  He  thus  left  the  University,  little  caring 
what  became  of  him,  so  rejoiced  was  he  in  being 
freed  from  what  he  deemed  the  tyranny  of  proctors 
and  provosts. 

The  precise  length  of  time  he  remained  with  this 
regiment  the  writer  has  no  means  of  ascertaining. 
He  must,  however,  have  fully  upheld  the  character 
he  had  gained  at  the  University,  as  appears  from 
the  following  anecdote  connected  with  this  regi 
ment,  related  by  himself,  and  still  preserved  as  a 
family  tradition.  Ten  or  eleven  years  after,  the 
battle  of  Brandywine  was  fought.  In  that  action 
General  Muhlenberg  commanded  a  brigade  of  Vir 
ginians,  which  with  Weedon's  was  thrown  forward 
at  the  close  of  that  hardfought  day,  to  repel  the 
victorious  advance  of  the  enemy,  and  give  time  to 
our  shattered  columns  to  retreat.  The  struggle 
was  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  it  so  happened 
that  this  very  regiment,  dismounted,  was  one  of 
3* 


30  MEMOIR  OF 

those  opposed  to  Muhlenberg's  command.  The 
General,  mounted  upon  a  white  horse,  tall  and  com 
manding  in  his  figure,  was  very  conspicuous  at  the 
head  of  his  men,  leading  on  the  long  line  of  Conti 
nentals;  when  the  contending  parties  came  near 
enough  to  be  recognised,  many  of  the  older  soldiers 
(German  enlistments  being  for  life,)  remembered 
their  former  comrade,  and  the  cry  ran  along  their 
astonished  ranks,  "  Hier  kommt  teufel  Piet !"  (Here 
comes  Devil  Pete.) 

Finally,  however,  he  was  freed  from  the  obliga 
tions  he  had  so  rashly  assumed,  in  the  following 
manner.  A  colonel  in  the  British  army,  whose  name 
is  unfortunately  forgotten,  was  leaving  Hanover, 
where  he  held  some  official  appointment,  for  Ame 
rica.  He  had  been  prior  to  this,  long  stationed  in 
that  country,  was  a  frequent  visiter  at  the  house 
of  Dr.  Muhlenberg,  and  knew  the  family  and  Peter 
well.  On  his  journey  he  happened  to  pass  through 
the  town  in  which  this  regiment  was  then  quartered, 
and  to  his  utter  surprise  recognised  his  young  Ame 
rican  acquaintance  among  its  soldiers.  He  sought 
him  out,  and  learned  the  cause  of  his  present  posi 
tion,  after  which,  by  representing  the  matter  in  its 
true  light,  as  a  boyish  student  freak,  and  certifying 


GENERAL  MUHLENCERG.  31 

to  the  respectability  of  his  family,  he  easily  pro 
cured  his  discharge.  Peter  took  leave  of  his  com 
rades,  and  accompanied  his  kind  friend  to  America, 
where  he  arrived  some  time  in  the  year  1766.  This 
interposition  was  probably  the  most  fortunate  event 
of  his  life,  for  although  his  family  would  sooner  or 
later  have  procured  his  discharge,  yet  from  the 
rarity  of  intercourse,  and  length  of  time  necessarily 
occupied,  he  might  have  remained  there  a  year  or 
two  longer,  and  been  utterly  disqualified  for  any 
other  pursuits.  As  it  was,  the  occurrence  had  a 
beneficial  effect  upon  his  character  and  disposition, 
rendering  him  more  tractable,  although  most  pro 
bably  the  taste  for  military  life  here  acquired,  in 
fluenced  his  whole  future  career. 

His  father,  who  we  may  well  conceive  had  suf 
fered  much  anxiety  on  account  of  his  son,  in  his 
joy  at  the  lost  being  found,  received  him  with  open 
arms,  and  granted  him  forgiveness  for,  and  oblivion 
of  the  past.  For  some  time  Peter  remained  at 
home,  his  father  personally  superintending  the  com 
pletion  of  his  education. 

It  was  now  time  for  him  to  turn  his  thoughts  to 
the  selection  of  a  profession.  Had  his  own  wishes 
only  been  consulted,  he  would  doubtless  have  chosen 


32  MEMOIR  OF 

the  army,  but  his  father  very  earnestly  desired  that 
the  church  which  he  had  founded  in  America, 
should  be  supported  and  sustained  by  the  efforts  of 
his  sons.  The  uniform  kindness  which  his  many 
youthful  follies  had  met  with  at  his  father's  hands, 
inclined  him  to  yield  to  his  wishes,  and  accordingly 
he  commenced  the  study  of  theology  under  his 
father's  directions. 

Early  in  the  year  1768  he  was  ordained  a  minis 
ter  of  the  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church,  according 
to  the  rules  and  discipline  of  that  sect,  and  on  the 
12th  of  May  was  appointed  assistant  rector  of  Zion's 
and  St.  Paul's  churches,  in  New  Jersey.  These 
congregations,  commonly  known  as  the  Valley 
Churches,  were  situated  at  IXew  Germantown  and 
Bedminster,  in  Hunterdon  and  Somerset  Counties. 
On  the  5th  of  February,  in  the  ensuing  year,  he 
commenced  officiating,  and  remained  in  that  capa 
city  for  several  years.  Retaining  his  strong  par 
tiality  for  hunting  and  fishing,  (the  bad  inclination 
referred  to  earlier  by  his  father,)  he  became  tho 
roughly  acquainted  with  that  part  of  the  country, 
a  knowledge  which  during  the  long  stay  of  the 
army  at  Morristown,  and  its  subsequent  operations 
in  Jersey,  became  of  great  value. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  33 

Whilst  stationed  in  New  Jersey,  his  marriage 
with  Anna  Barbara  Meyer,  took  place.  The  cere 
mony  was  performed  on  the  6th  of  November, 
1770. 

For  some  years  prior  to  this,  the  German  inhabi 
tants  of  the  Middle  States  commenced  emigrating 
in  considerable  numbers  to  Virginia,  settling  princi 
pally  in  the  valley  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  These  Ger 
man  settlements  gradually  became  large,  particu 
larly  those  in  Dunmore,  and  being  Lutherans,  a 
congregation  was  formed  at  Woodstock,  the  seat 
of  justice  for  that  county.  This  congregation  de 
sired  a  pastor,  and  accordingly  application  was 
made  to  Dr.  Muhlenberg  to  appoint  one,  with  the 
request  that  his  son  might  be  assigned  to  that  situa 
tion.  Some  difficulties,  however,  presented  them 
selves.  In  order  to  meet  the  peculiar  laws  of  the 
colony  of  Virginia  on  the  subject  of  church  estab 
lishment,  these  Germans  had  organized  themselves 
as  members  of  the  Swedish  branch  of  the  Lutheran 
Church,  there  being  no  difference  between  that  and 
the  German,  save  in  point  of  form  only.  Some 
congregations  of  the  former  existed  at  this  very 
time  in  Pennsylvania,  and  were  in  close  connexion 
with  the  Lutheran  Church  proper.4  The  Swedish 


34  MEMOIR  OF 

Church  at  the  Reformation  differed  from  the  Ger 
man  in  retaining  its  bishops,  and  their  discipline 
required  that  pastors  should  be  ordained  and  conse 
crated  by  a  bishop.  This  had  not  been  done  in 
Mr.  Muhlenberg's  case,  who  had  been  ordained  by 
his  father,  in  accordance  with  the  rules  and  disci 
pline  of  the  German  Lutheran  Church.  Another 
obstacle  arose  from  the  union  of  church  and  state 
in  Virginia,  where  the  Church  of  England  was  es 
tablished  by  law,  and  in  order  that  the  rector  could 
enforce  the  payment  of  tithes,  it  was  necessary  that 
he  should  have  been  ordained  by  a  Bishop  of  the 
English  church,  in  which  case  he  came  under  the 
provisions  of  the  law,  although  not  a  member  of 
the  established  church.  To  meet  these  difficulties 
it  was  deemed  necessary  that  Mr.  Muhlenberg 
should  be  ordained  anew,  according  to  the  disci 
pline  prescribed  by  the  Swedish  Lutheran  Church. 
Accordingly  he  resigned  his  charge  in  New  Jer 
sey,  and  made  preparations  for  a  voyage  to  Eng 
land,  to  receive  Episcopal  ordination,  any  properly 
consecrated  Protestant  Bishop  being  competent  for 
the  purpose.  He  sailed  from  Philadelphia  for  Lon 
don  on  the  2d  of  March,  1772,  and  arrived  at  Dover 
on  the  10th  of  the  following  month.  During  this 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  35 

journey  Mr.  Muhlenberg  kept  a  daily  journal,  now 
in  the  writer's  possession,  which  is  in  many  parts 
highly  interesting ;  but  space  forbids  any  extracts 
being  here  made. 

From  this  journal,  however,  we  learn  that  if 
any  scruples  did  exist  in  his  mind,  with  respect  to 
his  profession,  at  the  time  of  his  entering  upon  the 
study  of  it,  they  were  now  entirely  removed ;  and 
he  seems  to  have  been  fully  impressed  with  the 
serious  nature  of  the  duties  he  had  assumed,  and  to 
have  brought  to  their  discharge  a  spirit  of  pure  and 
humble  Christianity. 

His  stay  in  London  was  very  brief.  Immediately 
upon  his  arrival  he  waited  upon  the  Lord  Bishop  of 
London,  by  whose  chaplain,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hind,  he 
was  examined.  Two  other  Americans  were  then 
in  London  upon  the  same  errand,  a  Mr.  Braidfoot, 
of  Virginia,  and  Mr.  White,  afterwards  the  vene 
rated  Bishop  White  of  Pennsylvania ;  the  latter  of 
whom  had  already  been  ordained  as  deacon.  On 
account  of  their  number,  the  Bishop  consented  to 
their  private  ordination,  and  after  having  with  Mr. 
Braidfoot  received  deacon's  orders  from  the  Bishop 
of  Ely,  they  were  all  ordained  as  priests  on  the  23d 
of  April,  1772,  at  the  King's  Chapel,  St.  James's, 


MEMOIR  OF 


by  the  Bishop  of  London,  who  he  says,  "  made  us 
a  very  serious  and  eloquent  oration  concerning  the 
weighty  matters  we  had  before  us."  On  the  3d  of 
May  he  preached  at  the  German  Chapel  in  the 
Savoy,  before  a  ,very  crowded  audience,  attracted 
doubtless  by  the  novelty  of  an  American  divine. 

During  his  stay  in  London  he  made  many  valued 
acquaintances  and  friends,  among  whom  were  the 
Messrs.  Penn,  proprietaries  of  his  native  state.  He 
also  had  the  pleasure  of  again  meeting  his  father's 
friend,  Dr.  Ziegenhagen,  the  king's  chaplain,  who 
had  been  so  kind  to  him  during  his  youth.  This 
gentleman,  the  journal  states,  made  some  objections 
to  the  propriety  of  his  being  ordained  by  a  Bishop 
of  the  Church  of  England ;  a  point  which  seems  to 
have  some  force.  But  the  discussion  of  a  theologi 
cal  question  would  be  here  out  of  place.  Another 
fact  is  also  there  mentioned,  which  is  curious,  as 
showing  the  change  in  popular  sentiment,  in  refe 
rence  to  the  conduct  of  clergymen.  He  states,  per 
fectly  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  Mr.  White,  Mr. 
Braidfoot,  and  himself  went  to  the  theatre  to  see  the 
celebrated  Garrick.  How  would  such  conduct  be 
regarded  now,  by  those  professing  to  be  peculiarly 
strict? 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  37 

Some  correspondence  with  the  authorities  of  the 
Church  in  Sweden,  transmitting  to  them  some  ne 
cessary  papers,  detained  him  a  short  time;  after 
which  he  rapidly  made  his  preparations  for  return. 
On  the  24th  of  May  he  sailed  from  London,  and 
after  a  very  tempestuous  voyage  arrived  in  safety 
at  Philadelphia  in  the  latter  part  of  July. 


38  MEMOIR  OF 


CHAPTER  II. 

Condition  of  Virginia — German  Population  of  that  State — His 
Arrival  and  Residence — His  Conduct  in  the  Earl}'  Disturbances 
— Meeting-  in  Dunmore  County — Resolutions  Passed — Elected 
to  the  House  of  Burgesses — Appointed  Delegate  to  the  Con- 
vention — His  Course  in  that  Body — Commencement  of  Hos 
tilities — Appointed  Colonel  of  the  Eighth  Virginia  Regiment — 
Farewell  Sermon  at  Woodstock — Success  in  Enlistment — Or 
dered  to  Suffolk — Conduct  of  Lord  Dunmore — Arrival  of  Gene 
ral  Lee — Ordered  to  North  Carolina — Ordered  to  Charleston — 
Battle  of  Sullivan's  Island — Lee's  Despatch — Doubt  as  to  Rank 
of  the  Eighth  Regiment — General  Lee's  Letter  to  the  Secretary 
of  War — Resolution  of  Congress — Lee's  Friendship — Expedi 
tion  to  Florida — Reason  of  its  Failure — Ravages  of  Disease  at 
Savannah — Ordered  to  the  North — Arrives  in  Virginia. 

THE  disputes  between  the  mother  country  and 
the  Colonies  were  just  commencing  to  be  of  intense 
bitterness,  when  Mr.  Muhlenberg  removed  with  his 
family  from  Pennsylvania,  to  take  charge  of  his 
congregation  in  Virginia.  The  people  of  the  latter 
state  were  at  this  time,  with  probably  a  single  ex- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  39 

ception,  in  advance  of  any  of  their  fellow  country 
men  in  their  devotion  to  the  cause  of  liberty ;  al 
though  many  of  the  wealthy  planters,  the  leaders  of 
society,  and  who  gave  it  its  tone,  were  violently 
opposed  to  any  resistance  to  Great  Britain,  save 
that  of  protests  and  resolutions.  The  clergy  too, 
almost  unanimously  sided  with  the  mother  country. 
Mr.  Muhlenberg's  position,  therefore,  was  one  of 
considerable  difficulty,  especially  as  he  was  a 
stranger  but  lately  come  among  them.  As  was  his 
father,  however,  so  he  was,  an  ardent  Whig,  going 
in  his  ideas  of  resistance  far  beyond  what  was  then 
deemed  necessary  or  proper,  and  in  accordance 
with  these  views  he  acted. 

His  peculiar  position  gave  him  great  facilities  for 
the  quiet  and  gradual  propagation  of  his  principles. 
The  German  settlers  in  America  have  always  been 
remarkable  for  the  clannish  spirit  which  actuates 
their  conduct,  and  at  this  period,  when  much  pre 
judice,  although  most  undeserved,  still  existed 
against  them,  it  is  but  fair  to  conclude  that  this 
spirit  had  full  sway.  Thus  the  Germans  of  the 
Blue  Ridge  formed  as  it  were  a  separate  com 
munity,  having  but  little  intercourse  with  their  Eng 
lish  neighbours,  and  consequently  inclined  to  take 


40  MEMOIR  OF 

their  opinions  from  those  among  themselves,  who 
from  superior  intelligence,  or  from  position,  were 
looked  up  to  as  leaders  and  guides.  All  who  are 
acquainted  with  the  German  character,  are  aware 
of  the  great  respect  paid  by  all  classes  to  their 
spiritual  directors.  When  to  this  was  added  the 
fact  that  he  was  the  son  of  the  venerated  "  Father 
Muhlenberg,"  upon  whom  all  of  their  nation  and 
creed  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  looked  in  the  light 
of  a  beloved  parent,  and  was  supposed  to  be  an 
exponent  of  his  opinions  and  wishes,  we  shall  not 
be  surprised  at  his  having  so  rapidly  acquired  the 
influence  which  future  events  showed  him  to  pos 
sess. 

Arriving  among  them  in  the  fall  of  1772,  suffi 
cient  time  was  given  him  before  the  breaking  out 
of  hostilities,  to  become  very  extensively  acquainted 
throughout  the  whole  Valley.  His  personal  quali 
ties,  too,  were  calculated  in  an  eminent  degree,  to 
win  the  confidence  and  affection  of  the  people. 
Affable  and  courteous  in  his  manners,  mild  in  his 
temper,  full  of  charity  for  the  faults  of  others — these 
qualities,  with  his  prepossessing  appearance,  soon 
rendered  his  popularity  in  the  Valley  unbounded; 
whilst  his  fondness  for  hunting  and  skill  with  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  41 

rifle  produced  the  same  effect  among  the  frontier- 
men.  It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that  the  soil 
on.  which  he  laboured  was  a  kindly  one.  Retaining 
a  vivid  remembrance  of  the  oppressions  which  they 
and  their  fathers  had  borne  in  their  native  country, 
the  Germans  of  America  were  by  no  means  dis 
posed  to  exchange  the  liberty  and  self-government 
they  enjoyed,  the  beneficial  effects  of  which  they 
had  already  experienced,  for  a  recurrence  to  the 
old  order  of  things.  Sharing  then  in  the  feelings 
of  their  youthful  pastor,  they  were  prepared  to  sup 
port  and  follow  him  enthusiastically. 

The  German  population  of  Virginia  was  large, 
and  its  conduct  in  the  ensuing  crisis  became  an  im 
portant  element  in  the  calculation  of  both  parties. 
As  its  leader,  Mr.  Muhlenberg  corresponded  exten 
sively  with  the  prominent  Whigs  of  the  Colony, 
with  two  of  whom,  Washington  and  Henry,  he  was 
on  terms  of  personal  intimacy.  With  the  former 
he  had  frequently  hunted  deer  among  the  moun 
tains  of  his  district,  and  it  is  said  that  fond  as  Wash 
ington  was  of  the  rifle,  and  skilled  in  its  use,  on  trial 
he  found  himself  inferior  to  the  Pennsylvanian. 
This  friendship  had  afterwards  much  weight  in  de- 
4* 


42  MEMOIR.  OF 

termining  Mr.  Muhlenberg  to  enter  the  army  under 
his  command. 

Discontent  in  Virginia  had  almost  reached  its 
acme,  when  the  news  of  the  passage  of  the  Boston 
Port  Bill  in  1774,  blew  its  smouldering  embers  into 
a  bright  flame,  and  the  spirit  of  resistance  stalked 
openly  through  the  land. 

Although  the  movement  was  doubtless  precon 
certed  throughout  the  state,  Dunmore  County  was 
one  of  the  first  to  step  forward,  and  boldly  proclaim 
its  opinions  in  reference  to  the  great  questions  then 
agitating  the  country.  It  also,  by  the  appointment 
of  a  Committee  of  Safety,  gave  itself  an  organiza 
tion  distinct  from  that  established  by  colonial  autho 
rity,  and  one  which  in  case  of  necessity,  could  head 
the  opposition  to  the  royal  power.  Steps  like  these, 
taken  as  they  were  in  almost  every  county  in  the 
state,  went  far  to  prepare  men's  minds  for  the  greater 
changes  which  every  day  rendered  more  inevitable. 

The  meeting  which  took  these  steps  in  Dunmore, 
was  held  at  Woodstock,  on  the  16th  of  June,5  and 
as  was  to  be  expected,  Mr.  Muhlenberg's  was  the 
controlling  spirit  which  governed  its  deliberations. 
For  this  conduct  he  was  violently  assailed  by  his 
brethren  of  the  clergy  throughout  the  state. 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  43 

He  was  chosen  moderator  of  the  meeting,  and 
afterwards  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Reso 
lutions,  reported  a  number  highly  appropriate  to  the 
occasion,  and  withal  somewhat  bolder  than  the  tone 
of  public  opinion  was  then  prepared  entirely  to 
sanction.  As  showing  his  opinions  and  language, 
the  following  extracts  may  not  be  unacceptable. 

"  That  we  will  pay  due  submission  to  such  acts 
of  government,  as  his  Majesty  has  a  right  by  law 
to  exercise  over  his  subjects,  and  to  such  only." 

"  That  it  is  the  inherent  right  of  British  subjects 
to  be  governed  and  taxed  by  representatives  chosen 
by  themselves  only,  and  that  every  act  of  the  British 
Parliament  respecting  the  internal  policy  of  Ame 
rica,  is  a  dangerous  and  unconstitutional  invasion 
of  our  rights  and  privileges." 

"  That  the  enforcing  the  execution  of  the  said 
act  of  Parliament  by  a  military  power,  will  have  a 
necessary  tendency  to  cause  a  civil  war,  thereby 
dissolving  that  union  which  has  so  long  happily 
subsisted  between  the  mother  country  and  her  colo 
nies;  and  that  we  will  most  heartily  and  unani 
mously  concur  with  our  suffering  brethren  of  Bos 
ton,  and  every  other  part  of  North  America,  that 
may  be  the  immediate  victim  of  tyranny,  in  pro- 


44  MEMOIR  OF 

moling  all  proper  measures  to  avert  such  dreadful 
calamities,  to  procure  a  redress  of  our  grievances, 
and  to  secure  our  common  liberties." 

The  other  resolutions  are  those  which  were  com 
mon  at  that  period,  against  importation  from  or  ex 
portation  to  Great  Britain,  against  the  East  India 
Company,  who  are  called  "  the  servile  tools  of  ar 
bitrary  power,"  and  appointing  a  committee  of 
safety  and  correspondence.  The  proceedings  close 
by  pledging  themselves  "  to  each  other  and  to  our 
country,  that  we  will  inviolably  adhere  to  the  votes 
of  this  day."  The  Committee  of  Safety  and  Corre 
spondence  appointed  for  the  county,  consisted  of 
the  Rev.  Peter  Muhlenberg,  chairman,  Francis 
Slaughter,  Abraham  Bird,  T.  Beale,  John  Tipton, 
and  Abraham  Bowman,  Esqrs.,  members. 

Shortly  afterwards,  "  Peter  Muhlenberg,  Clerk" 
and  Jonathan  Clarke,  Esq.,  were  elected  members 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses,6  and  at  the  same  time 
appointed  delegates  to  the  State  Convention,7  to  be 
held  at  Williamsburg,  on  the  1st  of  August  follow 
ing;  the  object  of  which  was  to  take  such  further 
measures  as  the  public  safety  might  require,  and 
more  particularly  to  appoint  deputies  to  the  General 
Congress  of  the  Colonies  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  45 

The  proceedings  of  this  Convention  are  too  well 
known  to  require  further  notice  here.  Suffice  it  to 
state  that  considerable  division  of  opinion  existed, 
and  in  the  resolutions  which  were  adopted,  the 
moderate  party  proved  victorious.  This  gave  much 
dissatisfaction  to  the  bolder  portions  of  the  Whig 
party,  and  to  none  more  so  than  to  Mr.  Muhlen- 
berg,  who  seems  to  have  expected  great  results 
from  the  action  of  this  Convention.  He  had,  how 
ever,  with  all  the  German  delegates  from  the  Val 
ley,  warmly  supported  the  views  of  Patrick  Henry, 
whose  master  mind  saw  clearly  that  the  time  for 
half-way  measures  had  passed  away.  The  Con 
vention  adjourned,  authorizing  the  President,  Pey 
ton  Randolph,  to  reassemble  it  if  necessary. 

In  his  disappointment  at  the  result,  Mr.  Muhlen- 
berg  resolved  to  withdraw  himself  from  the  arena 
of  active  politics,  until  such  time  at  least  when  the 
rapid  progress  of  events  would  force  the  adoption 
of  bolder  measures.  This  period  he  plainly  fore 
saw,  could  not  be  far  distant.  The  following  extract 
from  a  letter  to  his  brother,  dated  Jan.  17,  1775, 
shows  briefly  his  conduct,  during  the  interval. 
"The  times  are  getting  troublesome  with  us,  and 
begin  to  wear  a  hostile  appearance.  Independent 


46  MEMOIR  OF 

companies  are  forming  in  every  county,  and  politics 
engross  all  conversation.  I  had  thrown  up  my 
commission  as  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Cor 
respondence,  and  of  magistrate  likewise;  but  last 
week  we  had  a  general  election  in  the  county  for  a 
Great  Committee,  according  to  the  resolves  of  Con 
gress,  and  I  am  again  chosen  chairman,  so  that, 
whether  I  choose  or  not,  I  am  to  be  a  politician." 

He  was  right.  The  times  were  "  getting  trouble 
some,"  and  the  hour  and  the  day  in  which  the  first 
great  blow  was  to  be  struck  in  Virginia,  was 
rapidly  approaching.  It  was  time  for  the  disap 
pointed  of  the  Williamsburg  Convention  to  gird  on 
their  armour,  and  prepare  themselves  anew  for  the 
struggle.  In  this  crisis  Mr.  Muhlenberg  was  not 
found  wanting. 

The  members  of  the  Convention  were  again  called 
together  by  their  president,  to  assemble  at  Rich 
mond  on  the  20th  of  March.  Events  had  progressed 
rapidly  since  their  separation,  and  the  opinions  of 
many  had  undergone  considerable  alteration.  At 
the  appointed  time  and  place  the  Convention  re 
assembled  ;  but  composed  as  it  was  of  the  same 
men  who  at  Williamsburg  had  already  committed 
themselves  against  any  forcible  opposition,  the  re- 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  47 

suit  still  remained  doubtful.  Two  days  were  passed 
in  fruitless  discussion,  and  the  bolder  members 
began  to  be  apprehensive  that  their  meeting  would 
be  but  a  repetition  of  the  Williamsburg  session. 

Patrick  Henry,  however,  the  leader  of  this  branch 
of  the  Convention,  was  determined  that,  if  possible, 
the  initiative  steps  should  now  be  taken.  He  ac 
cordingly  moved  his  famous  resolutions  providing 
that  the  colony  be  immediately  put  into  a  state  of 
defence.  The  motion  was  violently  assailed  by  the 
moderates,  and  defended  by  Mr.  Henry  in  a  speech 
which  will  ever  remain  a  model  of  true  eloquence. 
Mr.  Muhlenberg  supported  the  resolutions  most  ar 
dently,  exerting  all  his  influence  in  favour  of  their 
passage;  and  they  received  the  votes  of  all  the 
German  delegates  from  the  Valley,  which  in  the 
equally  divided  state  of  the  Convention,  was  suffi 
cient  to  turn  the  scale.  Finally,  after  a  violent 
struggle,  the  resolutions  were  adopted. 

*This  was  the  turning  point  of  the  contest.  The 
Convention  had  gone  too  far  to  recede,  for  the 
royal  Governor,  Lord  Dunmore,  proclaimed  its 
proceedings  to  be  treason.  It  was  the  commence 
ment  of  the  revolutionary  conflict  in  Virginia  ;  the 
appeal  was  made  to  the  sword,  and  by  the  sword 


48  MEMOIR  OF 

it  was  to  be  decided.  Henceforth  there  could  be 
no  turning  back  by  any  Whig  from  the  course  his 
party  had  adopted.  All  idea  of  reconciliation  was 
at  an  end,  and  their  only  hope  was  success  in  the 
impending  struggle  of  arms. 

Shortly  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention, 
the  removal  of  the  powder  from  Williamsburg  and 
the  march  of  Henry  at  the  head  of  a  number  of 
independent  companies  against  that  place  occurred. 
These  movements  resulted  in  the  virtual  abdication 
of  Lord  Dunmore;  and  some  months  later,  two 
regiments,  under  the  command  of  Colonels  Henry 
and  Woodford,  were  raised  by  the  authority  of  the 
Convention,  which  reassembled  at  Richmond.  The 
first  actual  conflict  between  the  royalist  and  colonial 
forces  occurred  in  the  fall,  at  the  Great  Bridge, 
where  the  latter  were  commanded  by  Colonel 
Woodford;  the  reputation  gained  by  whom  in  this 
action  was  afterwards  the  indirect  cause  of  con 
siderable  trouble  to  the  subject  of  this  memoir. 

During  these  movements  Mr.  Muhlenberg  re 
mained  at  home,  preparing  the  minds  of  his  people 
to  take  an  active  part  in  the  contest  now  so  near 
at  hand. 

Although  the  two  regiments  already  raised  wefe 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  49 

sufficient  for  the  struggle  within  the  state  against 
Lord  Dunmore,  yet  now  that  the  war  had  com 
menced  in  earnest,  it  was  soon  found  necessary  to 
raise  additional  troops.  Accordingly,  in  December, 
1775,  a  resolution  to  raise  six  additional  regiments 
passed  the  House  of  Delegates,  and  that  body  im 
mediately  proceeded  to  the  election  of  field  officers. 
Mr.  Muhlenberg  was  chosen  colonel  of  the  eighth 
regiment;8  his  appointment  to  which,  considering 
his  supposed  entire  want  of  military  knowledge, 
was  a  high  compliment ;  for  all  the  other  colonels 
commissioned  at  that  time  were  gentlemen  who 
had  seen  service  either  in  the  British  army  or  the 
French  war.  Colonel  Patrick  Henry  and  himself 
were  the  only  civilians  in  the  whole  Virginia  line 
to  whom  regiments  were  given;  and  what  further 
enhances  the  value  of  the  compliment  is  the  fact 
that  he  was  at  this  time  but  twenty-nine  years  of 
age.  The  firmness  and  determination  of  his  con 
duct  throughout  the  prior  part  of  the  struggle  had, 
however,  convinced  the  members  of  the  House  that 
he  possessed  the  necessary  personal  qualifications 
for  command;  and  his  character  gave  sufficient 
guarantee  that  the  technical  part  of  his  new  pro 
fession  would  not  be  loner  unlearned.  Besidos  his 


50  MEMOIR  OF 

popularity  among  the  settlers  of  the  Valley  of  the 
Blue  Ridge  was  so  great,  that  under  no  other  leader 
could  they  be  expected  to  come  forward  so  willingly 
and  with  so  much  alacrity.  His  appointment  was 
warmly  pressed  by  General  Washington  and  Patrick 
Henry,  whose  wishes  naturally  had  great  weight. 
Abraham  Bowman  and  Peter  Helfenstein,  Esqrs., 
both  from  his  immediate  neighbourhood,  were 
chosen  lieutenant-colonel  and  major  of  his  regi 
ment.  Both  were  of  German  extraction,  and  the 
former  had  served  with  him  upon  the  county  Com 
mittee  of  Safety. 

He  was  immediately  commissioned,  and  pro 
ceeded  to  Dun  more  to  raise  the  regiment  com 
mitted  to  his  charge.  Upon  this  occasion  a  well- 
authenticated  anecdote  is  told  of  him,  which  gives 
us  a  deep  insight  into  the  character  of  the  man,  and 
the  feelings  which  induced  him  to  abandon  the  altar 
for  the  sword.  It  shows  of  what  sterling  metal  the 
patriots  of  olden  time  were  formed. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  Woodstock,  his  different 
congregations,  widely  scattered  along  the  frontier, 
were  notified  that  upon  the  following  Sabbath  their 
beloved  pastor  would  deliver  his  farewell  sermon.9 
Of  this  event  numerous  traditionary  accounts  are 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  51 

still  preserved  in  the  vicinity  in  which  it  took  place, 
all  coinciding  with  the  written  evidence.  The  fact 
itself  merits  a  prominent  place  in  this  sketch,  for  in 
addition  to  the  light  it  sheds  upon  the  feelings 
which  actuated  the  American  people  in  the  com 
mencement  of  the  revolutionary  struggle,  it  also 
shows  with  what  deep  earnestness  of  purpose  Mr. 
Muhlenberg  entered  upon  his  new  career. 

The  appointed  day  came.  The  rude  country 
church  was  filled  to  overflowing  with  the  hardy 
mountaineers  of  the  frontier  counties,  among  whom 
were  collected  one  or  more  of  the  independent 
companies  to  which  the  forethought  of  the  Con 
vention  had  given  birth.  So  great  was  the  assem 
blage,  that  the  quiet  burial-place  was  filled  with 
crowds  of  stern,  excited  men,  who  had  gathered 
together,  believing  that  something,  they  knew  not 
what,  would  be  done  in  behalf  of  their  suffering 
country.  We  may  well  imagine  that  the  feelings 
which  actuated  the  assembly  were  of  no  ordinary 
kind.  The  disturbances  of  the  country,  the  gather 
ings  of  armed  men,  the  universal  feeling  that  liberty 
or  slavery  for  themselves  and  their  children  hung 
upon  the  decision  the  Colonies  then  made,  and  the 
decided  step  taken  by  their  pastor,  all  aroused  the 


5  2  ME  HO  HI  OF 

patriotic  enthusiasm  of  the  vast  multitude,  and  ren 
dered  it  a  magazine  of  fiery  passion,  which  needed 
but  a  spark  to  burst  into  an  all-consuming  flame. 

In  this  spirit  the  people  awaited  the  arrival  of 
him  whom  they  \vcre  now  to  hear  for  the  last  time. 
He  came,  and  ascended  the  pulpit,  his  tall  form 
arrayed  in  full  uniform,  over  which  his  gown,  the 
symbol  of  his  holy  calling,  was  thrown.  He  was 
a  plain,  straightforward  speaker,  whose  native 
eloquence  was  well  suited  to  the  people  among 
whom  he  laboured.  At  all  times  capable  of  com 
manding  the  deepest  attention,  we  may  well  con 
ceive  that  upon  this  great  occasion,  when  high, 
stern  thoughts  were  burning  for  utterance,  the 
people  who  heard  him  hung  upon  his  fiery  words 
with  all  the  intensity  of  their  souls.  Of  the 
matter  of  the  sermon  various  accounts  remain. 
All  concur,  however,  in  attributing  to  it  great 
potency  in  arousing  the  military  ardour  of  the 
people,  and  unite  in  describing  its  conclusion.  After 
recapitulating,  in  words  that  aroused  the  coldest, 
the  story  of  their  sufferings  and  their  wrongs,  and 
telling  them  of  the  sacred  character  of  the  struggle 
in  which  he  had  unsheathed  his  sword,  and  for 
which  he  had  left  the  altar  he  had  vowed  to  serve, 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  53 


lid  j  that,  in 
a  time  for  a 


he  said  4  that,  in  the  language  of  holy  writ,  there 
was  a  time  for  all  things,  a  time  to  preach  and  a 
time  to  pray,  but  those  times  had  passed  away;" 
and  in  a  voice  that  re-echoed  through  the  church 
like  a  trumpet-blast,  "  that  there  was  a  time  to 
fight,  and  that  time  had  now  come  !"/ 

The  sermon  finished,  he  pronounced  the  benedic 
tion.  A  breathless  stillness  brooded  over  the  con 
gregation.  Deliberately  putting  off  the  gown,  which 
had  thus  far  covered  his  martial  figure,  he  stood 
before  them  a  girded  warrior ^and  descending  from 
the  pulpit,  ordered  the  drums  at  the  church-door  to 
beat  for  recruits.  Then  followed  a  scene  to  which 
even  the  American  revolution,  rich  as  it  is  in  bright 
examples  of  the  patriotic  devotion  of  the  people, 

affords  no  parallel.     His  audience,  excited  in  the 

til*' 

highest  degree   by  .j-be  impassioned   words  .wineh 

litrd  la  Hen  trorn  hr3~rrp>:,  flocked  around  him,  eager 
to  be  ranked  among  his  followers.     Old  men  were 
seen  bringing  forward  their  children,  wives   their 
husbands,  and  widowed  mothers  their  sons,  sending 
them  under  his  paternal  care  to  fight  the  battles  of 
their  country.     It   must   have  been  a  noble  sight, 
and  the  cause  thus  supported  could  not  fail. 
Nearly  three  hundred  men  of  the  frontier  churches 
5* 


54  MEMOIR  OF 

that  day  enlisted  under  his  banner;  and  the  gown 
then  thrown  off  was  worn  for  the  last  time.  Hence 
forth  his  footsteps  were  destined  for  a  new  career. 

This  event  occurred  about  the  middle  of  January, 
1776;  and  from  that  time  until  March,  Colonel 
Muhlenbcrg  seems  to  have  been  busily  engaged  in 
recruiting.  After  the  great  impulse  already  re 
ceived,  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that  his  success  was 
rapid ;  and  such  accordingly  we  find  to  be  the  fact. 
It  was  probably  the  first  of  the  Virginia  regiments 
ready  for  service,  its  ranks  being  full  early  in 
March.  By  the  middle  of  that  month  he  had  al 
ready  reported  this  fact  to  the  Governor,  and  re 
ceived  orders  to  proceed  with  his  command  to 
Suffolk.  On  the  21st  the  regiment  commenced  its 
march  for  that  place. 

The  necessity  for  stationing  troops  in  this  part  of 
Virginia  arose  from  the  course  which  Lord  Dun- 
more  pursued.  After  having  left  the  capital  and 
taken  refuge  on  board  a  ship  of  war,  he  had  pro 
claimed  martial  law,  and  promised  freedom  to  all 
slaves  who  would  desert  their  masters,  and  join  his 
standard.  By  these  means  he  had  collected  a 
considerable  force,  composed  of  Tories,  runaway 
negroes,  and  the  forces  he  was  able  to  draw  from 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  55 

his  ships.  With  this  motley  command  he  continued 
committing  ravages  throughout  all  the  waters  of 
Eastern  Virginia. 

After  the  destruction  of  Norfolk  and  his  defeat  at 
the  Great  Bridge,  he  took  possession  of  Portsmouth, 
which  being  slightly  fortified  served  as  an  entrenched 
camp  for  his  land  forces.  The  spirit  of  the  inhabi 
tants  was  by  this  time  so  much  aroused,  that  the 
yeomanry  and  independent  companies  succeeded 
in  keeping  their  opponents  pretty  well  confined  to 
their  quarters,  but  they  had  still  the  command  by 
sea,  which  combination  of  force  rendered  Lord 
Dunmore's  position  dangerous  and  extremely  ha 
rassing  to  the  people  of  Virginia.  As  soon,  there 
fore,  as  the  regular  regiments  were  fit  to  take  the 
field,  they  were  posted  along  the  shores  of  the  Bay, 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  closely  confine  the  enemy 
to  their  position,  and  render  it  impossible  for  them 
to  penetrate  into  the  country.  Colonel  Muhlenberg's 
regiment  being  the  first  of  the  new  levies  ready  for 
service  was  assigned  the  post  of  honour,  and  sta 
tioned  at  Suffolk,  the  nearest  proper  position  towards 
Portsmouth. 

But  more  serious  duties  than  repelling  the  pre 
datory  incursions  of  so  motley  a  force  as  Lord 


56 


MEMOIR  OF 


Dunmore  commanded  were  about  falling  to  the  lot 
of  the  Virginia  line.  A  strong  detachment  of  land 
troops,  under  the  command  of  General  Clinton, 
attended  by  a  powerful  naval  force,  had  some  time 
previously  sailed  from  Boston,  and  their  destination 
was  generally  supposed  to  be  one  of  the  Southern 
States.  The  attention  of  Congress  was  therefore 
turned  to  this  portion  of  the  confederacy,  and 
General  Lee,  who  at  this  time  stood  next  to  Wash 
ington  in  the  public  estimation,  was  ordered  to  take 
command  of  the  southern  department.  Setting  out 
immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  his  orders,  he  ar 
rived  at  Williamsburg  on  the  29th  of  March,  where, 
after  some  conference  with  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
he  proceeded  with  the  energy  natural  to  his  cha 
racter,  to  make  preparations  for  the  defence  of  this 
portion  of  his  command. 

His  first  object  naturally  was  to  take  such  vigor 
ous  measures  against  Lord  Dunmore  as  would  free 
him  from  this  antagonist  before  the  arrival  of  the 
more  formidable  one  with  whom  he  had  been  sent 
to  contend.  He  accordingly  visited  Colonel  Muh- 
lenberg's  camp  at  Suffolk,  where  he  remained  some 
time  taking  such  steps  as  circumstances  rendered 
necessary.  By  advice  of  the  Committee  of  Safety, 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  57 

then  the  chief  executive  power  in  the  state,  all 
persons  residing  in  the  counties  adjacent  to  Lord 
Dunmore's  position,  were  obliged  to  remove  with 
their  effects  beyond  his  reach,  thus  effectually  crip 
pling  his  resources.  During  this  time,  Colonel 
Muhlenberg  was  actively  employed  against  the 
enemy,  his  regiment  being  stationed  near  Ports 
mouth,  protecting  the  removal  of  stores  and  pro 
visions,  in  the  course  of  which  several  slight 
skirmishes  took  place.10 

Whilst  General  Lee  was  thus  engaged  in  pro 
viding  for  the  safety  of  Virginia,  despatches  ar 
rived  from  the  government  of  North  Carolina, 
stating  that  a  fleet  conveying  three  thousand  land 
troops,  under  the  command  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  had 
arrived  off  Cape  Fear.  Here  they  had  been  joined 
by  General  Clinton's  armament,  who,  seeing  little 
prospect  of  success  in  Virginia,  had  left  Lord  Dun- 
more,  after  a  stay  with  him  of  but  a  few  days. 
This  intelligence  induced  him  immediately  to  repair 
to  North  Carolina,  taking  with  him  Colonel  Muh- 
lenberg's  regiment.11  This  selection  from  all  the 
Virginia  regiments  was  an  undoubted  compliment 
to  the  military  talents  of  its  commander,  which  Jiad 
in  so  short  a  time  brought  an  entire  body  of  recruits 


58  MEMOIR  OF 

into  a  state  of  discipline  and  efficiency.  Lee  him 
self  said  upon  a  subsequent  occasion  that  "  it  was 
the  strength  and  good  condition  of  the  regiment 
which  induced  me  to  order  it  out  of  its  own  pro 
vince  in  preference  to  any  other;"  language  which, 
corning  from  so  severe  and  competent  a  judge  as 
General  Lee,  was  certainly  a  high  compliment  to 
a  new  and  inexperienced  officer.  But  he  had  pro 
bably  not  forgotten  the  lessons  he  had  learned  in 
the  strict  school  of  German  discipline. 

The  regiment  arrived  at  Wilmington,  N.  C.,  on 
the  last  of  May.  The  British  troops  who  had 
landed  having  been  re-embarked,  on  the  next  day 
the  fleet  left  Cape  Fear  River,  steering  for  the 
southward.  The  general  impression  was  that 
Charleston  was  their  object.  General  Lee,  how 
ever,  wrote  on  the  above  date  to  Mr.  Pendleton, 
that  although  he  did  not  see  upon  what  ground  this 
persuasion  \vas  founded,  yet  as  South  Carolina 
was  weaker  than  Virginia,  he  had  at  a  venture 
ordered  Muhlenberg's  regiment  to  Charleston  im 
mediately.  Subsequent  information,  however,  con 
firmed  the  general  opinion,  and  General  Lee  fol 
lowing  them,  arrived  at  Charleston  on  the  same 
day  that  the  British  fleet  appeared  off  the  harbour. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  59 

On  the  23d  of  June13  the  regiment  joined  the 
army  nt  Charleston,  after  a  long  and  rapid  march, 
having  performed  the  distance  from  Suffolk  to 
Charleston  in  less  than  a  month.  This  reinforce 
ment  had  been  anxiously  expected,  and  "its  ar 
rival,"  said  Lee,  "  made  us  very  strong."  Having 
previously  disembarked  three  thousand  land  troops 
on  Long  Island,  on  the  28th  the  British  fleet  ap 
proached  the  harbour,  and  the  next  day  the  action 
took  place. 

To  give  the  reader  a  clear  idea  of  the  part 
which  Colonel  Muhlenberg's  regiment  took  in 
this  affair,  it  will  be  necessary  to  give  a  brief 
description  of  the  position  of  the  troops,  and 
the  nature  of  the  ground  upon  which  they  ope 
rated.  The  American  army  was  posted  on  the 
main  land  at  Haddrel's  Point,  where  it  could  pro 
tect  the  city  should  the  enemy's  fleet  succeed  in 
passing  the  bar,  and  at  the  same  time  afford  assis 
tance  to  the  forces  on  Sullivan's  Island,  which  was 
separated  from  the  main  land  by  an  arm  of  the  sea 
easily  passed.  Beyond  Sullivan's  Island  lay  Long 
Island,  upon  which  the  British  forces  had  been 
disembarked,  the  two  divided  only  by  a  shallow 
piece  of  water,  which  was  easily  fordable  at  low 


60  MEMOIR  OF 

tide.  At  the  one  extremity  of  Sullivan's  Island, 
Fort  Moultrie  was  placed  to  protect  the  harbour, 
its  guns  commanding  the  bar,  which  the  enemy's 
fleet  was  obliged  to  pass ;  at  the  other,  which  was 
but  a  short  distance  from  Long  Island,  Colonel 
Thompson,  with  the  North  Carolina  troops,  was 
stationed. 

The  plan  of  the  British  commander  was  equally 
simple,  although  perhaps  not  so  judicious.  Had 
he  received  the  fire  of  the  fort  without  returning  it, 
crossed  the  bar,  and  anchored  his  vessels  in  front 
of  the  city,  as  was  subsequently  done  when  General 
Lincoln  was  captured,  and  as  General  Lee  ex 
pected,  the  battle  would  have  been  fought  on  the 
main  land,  and  in  all  probability  the  town  would 
have  fallen.  But  a  different  course  was  adopted. 
It  was  decided  that  the  fleet  should  bombard  the 
fort,  of  the  success  of  which  attempt  no  doubt  was 
entertained ;  whilst  at  the  same  time  the  British 
land  forces  should  cross  from  Long  to  Sullivan's 
Island,  and  attack  the  fort  in  the  rear,  where  it 
was  almost  defenceless.  To  prevent  the  success  of 
any  attempt  of  this  nature,  should  it  be  made, 
General  Lee  had  directed  Colonel  Thompson,  with 
three  pieces  of  artillery,  his  own  regiment,  some 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  til 

rangers  and  militia,  to  take  post  on  the  eastern 
extremity  of  Sullivan's  Island. 

The  American  commander,  finding  that  the 
enemy  did  not  pass  the  fort  to  attack  the  town, 
quickly  perceived  the  importance  of  the  struggle 
then  taking  place  on  the  island.  Colonel  Muhlen- 
berg  with  his  regiment  was  immediately  despatched 
to  reinforce  Colonel  Thompson:  his  regiment  in  all 
probability  being  chosen  for  this  important  ser 
vice  for  the  same  reasons  which  induced  the 
General  to  select  it  from  all  the  Virginia  troops  to 
accompany  him  in  his  march  to  the  southward. 

In  the  battle  of  Sullivan's  Island,  the  fortune  of 
the  day  was  principally  with  the  South  Carolinians 
who  held  the  fort,  but  the  land  troops  at  the  other 
end  of  the  island  had  an  equally  difficult  task 
assigned  them,  which  they  performed  equally  well. 
At  first,  the  enemy's  land  forces  made  no  very 
vigorous  efforts  to  effect  their  passage  from  one 
island  to  the  other,  for  they  expected  every  moment 
to  hear  the  destruction  of  the  fort,  when  resistance 
would  cease  of  itself.  But  as  the  firing  grew 
warmer  and  warmer,  they  perceived  the  increasing 
necessity  of  making  a  land  attack,  and  their  efforts 
to  effect  this  became  more  earnest.  The  pass 

6 


02  MEMOIR  OF 

was,  however,  gallantly  defended,  and  although  the 
Americans  were  far  outnumbered,  and  that  too 
by  veteran  troops,  the  enemy  were  destined  to  be 
equally  unsuccessful  by  land  as  by  sea.  The  with 
drawal  of  the  fleet  was  the  signal  for  the  cessation 
of  the  land  attack,  and  on  both  elements  victory 
perched  upon  the  American  standard. 

Although  in  the  popular  version  of  the  battle 
almost  the  entire  credit  has  been  given  to  Moul- 
trie's  South  Carolinians,  yet  such  was  not  the  view 
taken  by  General  Lee,  who  in  his  official  report 
gave  at  least  equal  praise  to  the  troops  who  opposed 
the  enemy's  land  forces.  The  following  language 
is  used  in  that  paper:13  "In  the  mean  time,  I  think 
it  justice  to  publish  the  merits  of  Colonel  Moultrie 
and  his  brave  garrison ;  and  I  know  not  which 
corps  I  have  the  greatest  reason  to  be  pleased 
with,  Muhlenberg's  Virginians  or  the  North  Caro 
lina  troops;  they  are  both  equally  alert,  zealous, 
and  spirited."  This  was  no  mean  praise  of  raw 
recruits,  who  had  never  before  seen  fire;  and  coming 
too  from  one  of  the  greatest  military  spirits  of  the 
age,  enhanced  the  value  of  the  compliment. 

The  same  view  was  taken  by  Congress,  who,  on 
the  receipt  of  the  GeneraPs  despatch,  returned 


GENERAL   MUIILENBEllG.  63 

their  thanks  to  General  Lee,  Colonels  Moultrie 
and  Thompson,  and  the  troops  commanded  by 
the  two  latter.  As  Colonel  Muhlenberg  was  second 
in  command  to  Colonel  Thompson,  it  is  but  right 
that  he  should  here  receive  a  part  of  the  credit  due 
to  so  gallant  an  action. 

The  result  of  the  attack  upon  Charleston,  it  is 
well  known,  was  so  disastrous  to  the  enemy  that 
their  troops  were  re-embarked,  and  the  fleet  re 
turned  to  New  York.  After  holding  his  troops  in 
readiness  to  march  to  Virginia  should  the  fleet 
enter  the  Chesapeake,  so  soon  as  that  danger  was 
past,  General  Lee  turned  his  thoughts  to  further 
operations  in  the  South. 

During  this  time,  an  event  of  considerable  per 
sonal  interest  occurred  to  Colonel  Muhlenberg.  It 
was  intimated  to  him  that  his  regiment  was  not 
considered  one  of  those  on  the  Continental  esta 
blishment.  This  doubt  was  produced  by  the  ambi 
guity  of  the  former  resolution  of  Congress,  which 
was  probafty  caused  by  the  disputes  between 
Colonels  Henry  and  Woodford;14  the  enemies  of 
the  former  desiring  that  only  six  regiments,  com 
mencing  with  the  third,  should  be  accepted  from 
Virginia.  This  would  have  excluded  Colonel 


64 


MEMOIR  OF 


Henry,  which  was  violently  opposed  by  his  friends, 
and  in  consequence  of  this  dispute,  the  rank  of  the 
seventh  and  eighth  Virginia  regiments  was  not 
very  definitely  ascertained.  The  following  letter 
from  General  Lee  to  Richard  Peters,  Esq.,  Sec 
retary  of  the  Board  of  War,  in  behalf  of  Colonel 
Muhlenberg,  presents  the  subject  in  so  clear  a 
light,  and  is  withal  so  complimentary  to  him  and 
his  corps,  that  no  apology  is  necessary  for  its 
introduction. 

"Charleston,  August  2d,  1776. 
"DEAR  SIR: 

"  Colonel  Muhlenberg  of  the  eighth  battalion  of 
Virginians  has  been  made  very  uneasy  by  some 
letters  he  has  lately  received  with  respect  to  the 
rank  of  his  regiment.  These  letters  intimate  that 
it  never  was  the  intention  of  Congress  to  consider 
the  seventh,  eighth,  and  ninth  battalions  of  Vir 
ginians  on  the  Continental  establishment  until  they 
were  entirely  complete.  That  his  regiment  never 
was  entirely  complete,  and  that,  consequently,  after 
having  so  long  thought  himself  on  the  Continental 
establishment,  and  on  this  presumption  having 
marched  live  hundred  miles  from  his  own  pro- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  65 

vince,  under  the  command  of  a  Continental  gene 
ral,  he  at  last  finds  himself  only  a  provincial 
officer. 

"  I  have  ventured  to  assure  him  and  his  officers, 
who  are  equally  uneasy,  that  ihere  must  be  some 
mistake  in  this  affair;  in  fact,  the  hardship  would 
be  so  great  that  I  cannot  believe  their  apprehen 
sions  are  well  founded.  It  was,  if  I  remember 
right,  notified  in  April  by  the  Committee  of  Safety 
in  Virginia,  that  they  were  then  taken  upon  the 
Continental  establishment,  and,  (though  in  this  1 
may  be  mistaken.)  without  the  proviso  of  their 
being  complete. 

"It  happened  at  this  time,  though  not  complete  to 
a  man,  (for  no  regiment  is  ever  complete  to  a  man,) 
that  Muhlenberg's  regiment  was  not  only  the  most 
complete  of  the  province,  but  I  believe  of  the  whole 
continent.  It  was  not  only  the  most  complete  in 
numbers,  but  the  best  armed,  clothed,  and  equipped 
for  immediate  service.  I  must  repeat,  I  cannot 
conceive  that  it  was  ever  the  intention  of  Congress 
that  the  establishment  should  be  filled  to  a  man,  but 
that  they  should  be  competent  to  service  in  or  out 
of  the  province.  In  most  services,  when  new  levies 
are  raised,  one  half  of  the  proposed  complement  en- 
6* 


66  MKMOIll  OF 

titles  them  to  establishment.  Muhlenberg's  regi 
ment  wanted  only  forty  at  most.  It  was  the  strength 
and  good  condition  of  the  regiment  that  induced  me 
to  order  it  out  of  its  own  province  in  preference  to 
any  other.  I  certainly  at  that  time  considered  them 
Continental  troops,  otherwise  I  could  have  had  no 
authority  to  order  them  out  of  the  province. 

"I  must  now  submit  to  the  consideration  of  Con 
gress  if  it  would  not  be  really  the  greatest  cruelty 
that  their  strength  and  good  condition  should  be 
turned  against  them.  It  was  their  strength  and 
good  condition  which  carried  them  out  of  their 
province,  where,  had  they  remained  and  known  that 
it  was  a  necessary  condition  of  their  establishment 
to  be  complete  to  a  man,  they  certainly  could  have 
accomplished  it  in  three  days.  I  do  therefore  most 
sincerely  hope  and  persuade  myself  that  Muhlen 
berg's  regiment  will  at  least  date  their  rank  from 
the  day  I  ordered  them  to  march  out  of  their  pro 
vince.  Not  only  justice,  but  policy  requires  it,  for 
you  will  otherwise  lose  a  most  excellent  regiment. 

"  I  am,  &c." 

This  energetic  remonstrance  produced  a  change 
in  the  determination  of  Congress,  if  indeed  any  fixed 


GEJSHilAL   MUIJLENBEHG.  67 

determination  had  been  made  upon  the  subject.  On 
the  13th  of  August,  a  resolution  passed  that  body 
"that  the  eighth  Virginia  battalion  be  taken  into  pay 
from  the  27th  day  of  May  last,"  thus  putting  to  rest 
this  annoying  doubt.  This  was  the  day  on  which 
they  had  marched  out  of  their  own  province,  in 
accordance  with  General  Lee's  recommendation ; 
although  strict  justice  would  undoubtedly  have  re 
quired  that  their  rank  should  have  dated  from  the 
time  at  which  the  regiment  had  marched  out  of  the 
county  in  which  it  was  raised.  This  corps,  com 
monly  known  as  the  "German  regiment,"15  con 
tinued  in  service  until  the  close  of  the  war.  It  was 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  in  the  army,  and  its 
excellent  state  of  discipline  deservedly  gave  its 
commander  a  high  reputation  as  a  skilful  and  ener 
getic  officer.  Such  must  have  been  the  character 
he  gained  in  this,  his  first  campaign,  as  evidently 
appears  from  the  constant  tone  of  praise  in  which 
he  is  spoken  of  by  General  Lee.  Indeed  Lee  seems 
to  have  formed  and  continued  a  high  opinion  of 
him ;  for  in  the  year  1782,  when  discussing  the 
merits  of  the  various  general  officers  in  a  letter  to 
his  sister,  he  ranks  General  Muhlenberg  in  the  same 
line  with  Schuyler,  Sullivan,  Wayne,  Greene,  and 
Knox.16 


68  MEMOIR  OF 

As  soon  as  it  had  been  ascertained  that  the 
British  fleet  had  proceeded  directly  to  New  York, 
after  their  repulse  at  Sullivan's  Island,  General  Lee 
planned  an  excursion  to  Florida.17  A  post  on  the 
St.  Mary's  River  had  been  established  by  some 
British  officer,  who  had  there  collected  a  numerous 
body  of  Tories,  negroes,  and  Indians,  with  whom 
he  was  in  the  habit  of  ravaging  the  frontiers  of 
Georgia.  To  destroy  this  post,  and  strike  terror 
into  the  Florida  Indians,  were  the  objects  General 
Lee  proposed  to  gain  by  this  expedition.  Accord 
ingly,  in  July,  Colonel  Muhlenberg  with  his  regi 
ment  and  a  detachment  of  North  Carolina  troops, 
were  sent  forward  to  Savannah.  Colonel  Moultrie 
says  that  these  troops  were  marched  off  in  the 
utmost  haste,  without  one  necessary  article,  without 
artillery,  and  without  even  a  medicine  chest.  A 
few  weeks  subsequently  they  were  followed  by 
Generals  Lee  and  Howe,  and  Colonel  Moultrie, 
with  a  considerable  body  of  South  Carolina  troops. 

The  expedition  was  destined  for  the  attack 
of  St.  Augustine,  but  much  delay  unavoidably 
took  place  in  making  the  necessary  preparations. 
Just  as  these  difficulties  were  about  being  sur 
mounted,  an  express  arrived  in  the  early  part  of 
September,  directing  General  Lee  immediately  to 


GENERAL   AJUHLENBERG.  ()(J 

join  the  main  army  at  the  North.  This  of  course 
put  an  end  to  the  Florida  expedition.  General 
Lee  left,  directing  Colonel  Muhlenberg's  regi 
ment  and  the  North  Carolinians  to  follow.  They 
had  been  nearly  two  months  in  Savannah,  at  the 
most  sickly  season  of  the  year,  and  disease  had 
made  dreadful  havoc  in  their  ranks.  The  Vir 
ginians  especially,  accustomed  to  the  pure  air  of 
the  mountains  of  the  northern  part  of  their  state, 
suffered  severely.18  Major  Helfenstein,  an  excel 
lent  officer,  died  immediately  after  his  return  to 
Virginia,  and  Colonel  Muhlenberg  himself  con 
tracted  a  disease  which  ultimately  proved  fatal. 

In  accordance  with  General  Lee's  orders,  a  part 
of  the  regiment  commenced  its  march  for  the  North, 
the  remainder  awaiting  further  orders.  From  the 
enfeebled  condition  of  the  men,  their  progress  was 
necessarily  slow,  and  the  regiment  did  not  arrive 
in  Virginia  until  the  20th  of  December,  under  which 
date  Colonel  Muhlenberg  writes  to  his  father  "  that 
they  have  just  returned  from  their  arduous  cam 
paign;  that  his  regiment  has  suffered  much  from 
sickness;  and  that  as  soon  as  properly  recruited,  he 
had  orders  to  march  to  Philadelphia." 


70  MEMOIR  OF 


CHAPTER  III. 

Recruiting  in  Virginia — Promoted  to  the  Rank  of  Brigadier- 
General — Letter  to  General  Washington — Duties  assigned  him 
in  Virginia — Appointed  to  a  Brigade — Arrives  at  Head-Quar 
ters — Movements  in  Jersey — The  Army  marches  to  Philadel 
phia — Uncertainty  as  to  the  Enemy's  Movements — Council  of 
War — Strength  of  his  Brigade — March  through  Philadelphia — 
General  Orders  there  issued — Reasons  for  giving  Battle — Gene 
ral  Washington's  Appeal  to  the  Army — Its  loose  Discipline — 
Movements  of  the  two  Armies — Battle  of  Brandywine — Dis 
position  of  the  Americans — Rout  of  the  Right  Wing — Extra- 
ordinary  March  of  the  Reserve — Gallant  Conduct  of  Muhlen- 
berg's  and  Wcedon's  Brigades — Pursuit  of  the  Enemy  checked 
— Retreating  Army  saved — Reasons  for  not  being  mentioned 
in  the  Despatch— Fall  of  Philadelphia. 

ARDUOUS  as  this  campaign  had  been,  the  times 
were  not  such  as  to  allow  much  respite  to  any 
officer.  The  earlier  part  of  the  campaign  of  1776 
had  resulted  most  disastrously  for  the  American 
arms,  although  the  loss  of  the  battle  of  Long  Island 
and  the  miserable  blunder  of  retaining  Fort  Wash- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  71 

ington  had  been  in  some  measure  compensated  by 
the  battles  of  Princeton  and  Trenton.  Still  the 
latter  actions  had  not  inflicted  any  material  loss 
upon  the  enemy,  although  in  so  far  as  they  had 
destroyed  the  prevalent  idea  of  British  invincibility, 
they  had  been  useful  in  raising  the  spirits  of  the 
people,  and  rendering  the  war  more  popular.  Never 
theless,  the  army  of  General  Washington  needed  all 
the  reinforcements  which  could  be  raised,  in  order 
to  meet  the  great  exertions  the  enemy  were  making 
for  the  next  campaign. 

Accordingly  we  find  Colonel  Muhlenberg  busily 
engaged  in  Virginia  filling  the  gaps  made  in  his 
ranks  by  sickness  during  the  last  campaign.  On 
the  21st  of  January,  a  resolve  passed  Congress 
directing  him  to  recall  that  portion  of  his  regiment 
still  in  the  South,  and  recruiting  both  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  to  march  each  company  as  soon  as  filled 
to  General  Washington's  camp.19 

Whilst  engaged  upon  this  service,  he  was  on  the 
21st  of  February  promoted  by  Congress  to  the  rank 
of  brigadier-general,20  a  step  fully  earned  by  his 
conduct  in  the  southern  campaign.  The  gentlemen 
promoted  were  chosen  by  ballot,  leaving  their  rank 
with  regard  to  each  other  to  be  afterwards  settled. 


72  MEMOIR  OF 

When  this  was  done,  an  attempt  was  made  to  date 
the  commission  of  General  Woodford — who  at  this 
time  held  no  rank  in  the  army — as  though  he  had 
never  resigned  his  commission  of  colonel.  The 
attempt,  however,  failed  for  the  present,  and  Gene 
ral  Muhlenberg  was  accordingly  commissioned  as 
senior  brigadier  of  the  Virginia  line,  ranking  in  the 
army  list  immediately  after  General  Wayne,  who 
was  promoted  at  the  same  time. 

On  the  23d,  whilst  still  ignorant  of  his  promotion, 
he  addressed  the  following  letter21  to  General  Wash 
ington,  which  is  interesting  as  showing  the  terrible 
effects  of  southern  climate  upon  northern  troops. 

"Winchester,  Feb.  23,  1777. 
"SlR, 

"The  honourable  the  Continental  Congress  passed 
a  resolve  on  the  21st  of  last  month,  ordering  that 
part  of  my  regiment  which  was  still  to  the  south 
ward  to  return  to  Virginia,  and  that  all  the  com 
panies  belonging  to  the  regiment  should  be  recruited 
to  their  full  complement  of  men,  and  march  to  camp 
as  soon  as  complete.  The  detachment  from  the 
southward  arrived  here  this  week  in  a  shattered 
condition,  having  only  seventy  men  fit  for  duty; 


GENERAL  MUHLENTJERG.  73 

so  that  it  will  be  almost  impossible  to  march  the 
men  so  soon  as  I  could  wish,  if  the  companies  are 
to  be  wholly  complete.  I  have  a  sufficient  number 
of  recruits  to  fill  up  the  first  three  companies  be 
longing  to  the  regiment,  and  hope  to  march  them 
in  about  ten  days. 

"We  have  been  much  retarded  in  the  recruiting 
service  for  want  of  officers,  as  there  are  at  present 
twelve  or  fourteen  vacancies  in  the  regiment.  I 
have  applied  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of  this 
State,  as  well  as  to  General  Lewis,  to  know  in  what 
manner  the  vacancies  should  be  filled,  but  was  told 
they  were  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  matter. 
Colonel  Gresson  advised  me  to  apply  to  your  Ex 
cellency  and  send  a  recommendation,  which  I  have 
accordingly  done. 

"There  is  at  present  one  entire  company  wanting 
in  my  regiment,  in  the  room  of  Captain  Stinson's, 
from  Pittsburg,  whose  time  of  enlistment  expired  in 
September  last.  Mr.  Swain,  who  waits  on  your 
Excellency  with  this  letter,  has  served  as  adjutant 
of  my  regiment  since  it  was  raised.  He  bears  the 
character  of  a  good  officer,  and  would  willingly 
undertake  to  raise  this  company  with  your  Excel 
lency's  approbation. 

7 


74  MEMOIR  OF 

"  I  must  trouble  your  Excellency  with  another 
petition  in  behalf  of  my  regiment.  The  whole  regi 
ment  consists  at  present  of  riflemen;  and  the  cam 
paign  we  made  to  the  southward  last  summer  fully 
convinced  me  that  on  a  march,  where  soldiers  are 
without  tents,  and  their  arms  continually  exposed 
to  the  weather,  rifles  are  of  little  use.  I  would 
therefore  request  your  Excellency  to  convert  my 
regiment  into  musketry. 

"  Your  Excellency's 
"  Most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"  P.   MuiILENBEKG." 

In  reply  to  this  modest  letter,  General  Muhlen- 
berg  received  the  unexpected  news  of  his  promotion. 
His  attention  was  now  required  to  a  w7ider  circle  of 
duties,  and  he  was  accordingly  directed  to  take 
charge  of  all  the  Continental  troops  of  the  Virginia 
line  then  in  that  state.  He  was  urged  in  the  most 
pressing  manner  to  hasten  the  completion  of  the 
various  regiments,  and  order  them  to  join  the  main 
army  as  rapidly  as  possible,  "much,  very  much  de 
pending,"  in  the  language  of  the  letter,  "on  its  being 
reinforced  immediately."  His  other  requests  rela 
tive  to  his  late  regiment  were  complied  with,  and 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  75 

he  was  required  to  name  a  sufficient  number  of 
gentlemen  to  fill  vacancies,  to  whom  commissions 
would  be  given  on  their  joining  the  army.23 

He  was  also  desired  to  report  himself  at  head 
quarters  as  soon  as  possible,  there  being  an  insuf 
ficient  number  of  general  officers  then  with  the 
main  army.  This,  however,  he  was  unable  to  do 
immediately,  owing  to  the  mass  of  business  entailed 
upon  him  by  his  new  rank.  Since  the  death  of 
General  Mercer,  the  Virginia  line  had  been  without 
any  brigadier,  except  one,23  who  was  on  the  point 
of  resigning;  and  having  no  active  commander, 
considerable  disorder  and  confusion  had  crept  into 
many  of  the  regiments.  This  General  Muhlenberg 
was  obliged  to  rectify,  and  to  put  the  general  re 
cruiting  service  in  the  state  on  a  proper  footing, 
before  he  could  with  any  propriety  join  the  army. 

In  April,  1777,  he  was  assigned  the  first,  fifth, 
ninth,  and  thirteenth  regiments  of  the  Virginia  line 
to  compose  his  brigade,  with  orders  to  collect,  equip, 
and  put  them  in  a  situation  to  take  the  field  as 
rapidly  as  possible.  This  duty  again  detained  him 
in  Virginia,  their  dispersed  state  requiring  his  in 
stant  attention.  By  making  great  efforts,  how 
ever,  he  succeeded  in  concentrating,  equipping, 


MEMOlil  OF 


and  marching  them  oft'  in  a  very  short  time;  and 
early  in  May  he  himself  left  for  head-quarters,  then 
at  Morristown  in  New  Jersey. 

Upon  his  arrival,  however,  he  found  that  the 
army  had  withdrawn  from  its  former  position  to 
the  heights  of  Middlebrook,  where  it  had  strongly 
entrenched  itself  in  a  species  of  fortified  camp. 
This  was  rendered  unavoidable  by  the  numerical 
inferiority  of  the  American  forces,  and  the  necessity 
of  keeping  possession  of  the  northern  part  of  the 
state,  in  order  to  protect  Philadelphia  and  the 
Delaware. 

He  took  command  of  his  brigade  at  Middlebrook 
on  the  26th  of  May,  arriving  just  in  time  for  the 
opening  of  the  campaign.  In  the  organization  of 
the  army,  his  brigade  and  that  of  Weeclon  com 
posed  the  division  of  General  Greene,24  a  corps 
which,  in  the  ensuing  operations,  proved  itself  to  be 
one  of  the  best  in  the  field.  Both  brigades  were 
composed  entirely  of  Virginians,  and  the  gallant 
manner  in  which  they  acquitted  themselves  in  situa 
tions  of  peculiar  responsibility  at  Brandywine  and 
Germantown,  showed  that  the  confidence  placed  in 
them  by  the  Commander-in-chief  was  not  unde 
served.  Early  in  June,  the  German  regiment,  now 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  77 

under  Colonel  the  Baron  de  Arendt,  having  fully 
completed  its  numbers,  arrivred  at  Middlebrook,  and 
was  assigned  to  the  command  of  its  former  Colonel. 
His  brigade  was  now  complete. 

The  enemy  were  at  this  time  about  commencing 
serious  operations,  and  well  it  was  for  the  cause  of 
America  that  the  delay  of  arrivals  from  England 
had  postponed  the  opening  of  hostilities.  The  Con 
tinental  forces,  extremely  weak  at  the  close  of  the 
winter,  had  been  heavily  reinforced,  and  although 
still  numerically  inferior,  could  now  cope  with  their 
adversaries  with  some  prospect  of  success.  In  the 
early  part  of  the  month,  Howe  moved  with  the 
greater  part  of  his  force  to  Brunswick,  intending 
to  strike  at  the  American  army  if  possible,  and  at 
all  events  to  take  possession  of  Philadelphia.  Wash 
ington,  however,  divined  his  intention  ;  a  council  of 
war,  composed  of  all  the  general  officers  present, 
was  held,  and  it  was  resolved  to  maintain  the 
heights  of  Middlebrook.  This  position  was  so 
strong,  that  the  risk  of  attacking  his  opponents  in 
their  entrenchments  was  too  great  for  the  cautious 
policy  of  Howe,  and  on  the  other  hand  it  was  im 
possible  to  march  to  Philadelphia,  leaving  this  army 
to  operate  upon  his  rear.  Some  skilful  manoeuvring 
7* 


78  MEMOIR  OF 

took  place,  but  the  Americans  persisted  in  retaining 
possession  of  the  heights  of  Middlebrook,  ready  to 
engage  upon  that  ground  but  no  other.  General 
Howe,  finding  all  attempts  vain  to  bring  on  an 
action  with  them  upon  more  favourable  ground, 
commenced  a  retrograde  movement  to  Brunswick. 
Upon  this,  General  Greene,  with  three  chosen  bri 
gades,  of  which  Muhlenberg's,  forming  the  van 
guard,25  was  one,  was  detached  to  harass  the 
enemy's  rear.  He  performed  this  duty  with  his 
usual  skill,  his  troops  behaving  with  the  utmost 
gallantry ;  but  except  some  trifling  skirmishes,  in 
which  nothing  material  was  gained  by  either  party, 
no  results  were  obtained.  To  protect  Greene's  ad 
vance,  Washington  moved  the  main  army  to  Quib- 
bletown,  seven  miles  in  front  of  Middlebrook. 

Upon  perceiving  this,  General  Howe  made  a 
skilful  attempt  to  turn  his  enemy's  flank,  and  pre 
vent  a  retreat  to  his  fortified  position.  Cornwallis, 
with  a  strong  corps,  was  ordered  to  make  a  detour 
to  the  right,  and  endeavour  to  take  possession  of  the 
heights  of  Middlebrook,  whilst  another  column,  led 
by  Howe  in  person,  should  turn  their  left  flank.  For 
tunately  this  able  movement  was  detected  in  suffi 
cient  time  to  frustrate  it,  and  the  Americans  re- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  79 

gained  their  camp  with  but  trifling  loss,  General 
Greene's  command  forming  the  rearguard. 

General  Howe  finding  it  impossible  to  reach  Phi 
ladelphia  through  the  Jerseys,  now  determined  to 
make  use  of  his  naval  superiority  to  effect  that 
object.  He  accordingly  commenced  the  embarka 
tion  of  a  very  large  portion  of  his  force,  keeping 
their  destination  a  profound  secret.  The  formida 
ble  movement  of  Burgoyne  tended  still  further  to 
perplex  the  American  commander.  Supposing  that 
it  was  his  adversary's  intention  to  form  a  junction 
with  the  northern  army,  he  detached  Sullivan's 
division  to  Pompton  Plains,  and  advanced  the  main 
army  to  Morristown,  thus  taking  a  position  some 
what  nearer  the  North  River  and  yet  protecting 
Philadelphia.  But  fearing  a  similar  movement  to 
that  which  produced  the  retreat  from  Quibbletown, 
Muhlenberg's  brigade,  one  of  the  strongest  in  the 
army,  formed  the  rearguard,  with  orders  to  return  to 
Middlebrook  upon  the  first  hostile  movement  against 
that  place,  and  hold  the  heights  until  reinforced.26 

During  these  operations  but  little  opportunity  of 
distinction  was  afforded  General  Muhlenberg.  He 
remained  with  the  main  army,  fulfilling  the  duties 
of  his  station,  and  taking  great  pains  to  bring  his 


80  MEMOIR  OF 

brigade  to  that  perfect  state  of  discipline  which 
enabled  it  afterwards  to  distinguish  itself  so  highly. 
Although  senior  brigadier  of  the  Virginia  line,  he 
was  not  so  fortunate  as  Wayne,  the  senior  brigadier 
of  the  Pennsylvanians,  who,  owing  to  the  scarcity 
of  general  officers  from  that  state,  generally  com 
manded  a  division,  which,  of  course,  placed  him 
more  prominently  before  the  public  eye. 

In  July  the  embarkation  of  the  British  troops  was 
completed,  and  their  fleet  fell  slowly  down  the  bay. 
Their  final  destination  was  with  good  reason  sup 
posed  to  be  Philadelphia,  and  the  army  was  ordered 
to  move  by  divisions  towards  the  Delaware,  in  order 
to  be  ready  to  act  as  circumstances  might  require. 
Upon  this  march,  as  generally,  Washington  remain 
ed  with  Greene's  division,  which,  from  its  strength 
and  fine  condition,  he  seems  to  have  looked  upon 
somewhat  in  the  light  of  a  reserve.  A  writer  in 
the  Pennsylvania  Packet  thus  describes  their  march 
on  Sunday  the  28th :  "  I  saw  on  their  full  march, 
seven  miles  from  Morristown,  on  the  road  to  the 
Delaware,  General  Washington,  General  Muhlen- 
berg,  and  General  Weedon,  with  four  thousand 
men,  and  General  Knox  with  his  train  of  artillery, 
consisting  of  fourteen  field  pieces  and  one  howitzer," 


GENERAL    MUHLENBEKG.  81 

then,  no  doubt,  deemed  a  magnificent  sight.  At 
this  time  General  Greene  was  absent  for  a  few 
days,  and  the  command  had  devolved  upon  General 
Muhlenberg. 

The  army  now  remained  some  time  in  the  vici 
nity  of  Philadelphia,  awaiting  further  developments 
as  to  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  These  were 
highly  contradictory.  On  the  30th  of  July  the  fleet 
had  been  seen  off  the  capes  of  Delaware,  when  all 
doubts  as  to  their  destination  were  supposed  to  be 
at  an  end,  and  the  army  was  concentrated  for  the 
defence  of  Philadelphia.  The  day  following,  how 
ever,  they  sailed  out  of  the  bay,  and  were  not  seen 
again  until  the  7th  of  the  next  month,  \vhen  they 
reappeared  off  the  capes  steering  for  the  southward. 
Here  all  traces  of  them  were  lost. 

In  this  state  of  doubt,  a  council  of  general  offi 
cers27  was  held  on  the  21st  of  August,  before  whom 
the  Commander-in-chief  laid  all  the  above  facts, 
and  required  their  opinion  as  to  the  point  for  which 
the  enemy  were  destined;  whether  it  would  be 
advisable  for  the  army  to  follow  them;  and  if  not, 
whether  they  should  remain  in  their  present  posi 
tion,  or  move  towards  the  North  River.  After 


MEMOIR  OF 


mature  deliberation,  the  council  decided  that  the 
point  of  attack  was  Charleston;  that  it  would  be 
improper  for  the  army  to  follow  them,  as  it  could 
not  arrive  in  time  to  be  of  any  service,  and  that 
consequently  it  would  be  advisable  to  move  imme 
diately  to  the  Hudson.  Accordingly  orders  were 
issued  that  Greene's  division  should  march  the  next 
day  to  Coryell's  Ferry;  but  this  step  was  prevented 
by  news  of  the  British  fleet,  which  had  entered  and 
was  proceeding  up  the  Chesapeake.  The  army 
wras  immediately  put  in  motion  to  oppose  this  new 
attempt  on  Philadelphia. 

Muhlenberg's  brigade  was  at  this  time,  as  appears 
from  his  orderly  book,  about  two  thousand  strong, 
well  equipped,  and  from  the  pains  taken  we  may 
presume  in  a  high  state  of  discipline.  For  these 
reasons  it  was  probably  selected  as  the  vanguard 
of  the  army  in  its  march  through  Philadelphia. 

This  step  was  taken  for  the  sake  of  encouraging 
the  citizens  of  that  place  by  a  view  of  the  whole 
American  army  in  its  best  attire.  This  certainly 
did  not  contrast  very  well  with  the  perfect  equip 
ments  of  the  enemy,  but  great  pains  were  taken  by 
General  Washington  to  make  the  show  as  imposing 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  83 

as  possible.  The  general  orders  issued  previous  to 
the  march  are  highly  amusing,  so  much  so  that  the 
following  extract33  may  not  be  unentertaining. 

"  It  is  strongly  and  earnestly  enjoined  upon  the 
commanding  officers  of  regiments  to  make  all  their 
men  who  are  able  to  bear  arms,  except  the  neces 
sary  guards,  to  march  in  their  ranks;  for  it  is  so 
great  a  reflection  upon  all  order  and  discipline  to 
see  such  a  number  of  strollers  (for  thev  cannot  be 
called  guards)  with  the  wagons,  that  it  is  really 
shocking.  The  army  is  to  march  in  one  column 
through  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  going  in  and 
marching  down  Front  Street  to  Chestnut,  and  up 
Chestnut  to  the  commons.  A  small  halt  is  to  be 
made  about  a  mile  this  side  of  the  city,  till  the  rear 
closes  up  and  the  line  is  in  proper  order.  The  divi 
sions  will  march  as  follows:  Greene's,  Stephen's, 
Lincoln's,  and  Lord  Sterling's ;  the  horse  to  be 
divided  upon  the  two  wings,  Eland's  and  Baylor's 
regiments  upon  the  right,  Sheldon's  and  Mailand's 
upon  the  left.  The  following  order  of  march  is  to 
be  observed  :  first,  1  subaltern,  and  12  light  horse; 
200  guards;  in  their  rear  a  complete  troop;  200 
yards  in  rear  of  the  troop,  the  residue  of  Eland's  and 
Baylor's  regiments ;  100  yards  in  the  rear  of  these, 


84  MEMOIR  OF 

a  company  of  pioneers,  with  their  axes  in  proper 
order;  100  yards  in  the  rear  of  the  pioneers,  a  regi 
ment  from  Muhlenberg's  brigade;  and  close  in  the 
rear  of  that  regiment,  all  Muhlenberg's  artillery; 
then  his  brigade,  followed  by  Weedon's,  Woodford's, 
and  Scott's,  in  order,  with  all  their  field  artillery  in 
their  respective  fronts,  parks  of  artillery  and  the 
artificers  belonging  thereto  in  the  centre;  Lincoln's 
and  Lord  Sterling's  divisions  following,  with  all 
their  brigade  artillery  in  the  rear  of  their  respective 
brigades.  A  regiment  from  Lord  Sterling's  divi 
sion  for  a  rearguard,  with  Sheldon's  and  Mailand's 
light  horse  150  yards  in  rear  of  this  regiment,  and 
one  troop  150  yards  in  rear  of  the  horse. 

"  The  whole  is  to  march  by  subdivisions  at  half 
distance,  the  ranks  six  paces  asunder,  which  is  to 
be  exactly  observed  in  passing  through  the  city, 
and  great  attention  given  by  the  officers  to  see  that 
the  men  carry  their  arms  well,  and  are  made  to 
appear  as  decent  as  circumstances  will  admit.  It 
is  expected  that  each  officer,  without  exception,  will 
keep  his  post  in  passing  through  the  city,  and  under 
no  pretence  whatsoever  leave  it;  and  if  any  soldier 
shall  dare  quit  his  ranks,  he  shall  receive  thirty-nine 
lashes  at  the  next  halting-place  afterwards. 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  85 

"  The  field  officer  of  the  day  will  prevent  any  of 
the  men  who  are  allotted  to  attend  the  wagons  from 
slipping  into  the  city.  As  the  baggage  will  be  but 
a  little  while  separated  from  the  column,  very  few 
men  will  be  sufficient  to  guard  it,  and  the  General 
wishes  to  have  as  many  of  them  as  are  able  to  ap 
pear  in  the  ranks,  in  the  line  of  march. 

"  The  drums  and  fifes  of  each  brigade  are  to  be 
collected  in  the  centre  of  it,  and  a  time  for  the 
quick  step  played,  but  with  such  moderation,  that 
the  men  may  step  to  it  with  ease,  without  dancing 
along  or  totally  disregarding  the  music,  which  has 
been  too  often  the  case.  The  men  are  to  be  ex 
cused  from  carrying  their  camp-kettles  to-morrow." 

This  spectacle  being  over,  the  army  pursued  its 
march  to  the  field  of  Brandywine.  Public  opinion 
required  that  a  battle  should  be  fought  for  the  pre 
servation  of  Philadelphia,  the  capital  of  the  States, 
and  although  the  condition  of  General  Washington's 
army  was  scarcely  such  as  to  enable  him  to  cope 
upon  equal  terms  with  his  enemy,  still  it  \vould  have 
been  highly  injurious  to  the  public  cause  to  have 
allowed  Philadelphia  to  fall  without  striking  a  blow 
in  its  defence.  The  discipline,  too,  of  the  American 
army  had  improved  considerably  since  the  cam- 
S 


86  MEMOIR  OF 

paign  of  the  year  previous,  and  although  many  por 
tions  were  still  very  raw  troops,  yet  the  winter 
encampment  at  Morristown  had  given  all  divisions 
of  the  army  the  facility  of  moving  in  large  masses, 
and  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  the  elementary 
principles  of  military  education.  The  battle  we 
are  about  approaching  then,  may  be  called  the  first 
contested  field  between  the  two  armies,  for  at  Long 
Island  the  greater  portion  of  the  American  troops 
broke  and  ran  at  the  first  sight  of  the  enemy,  and 
Trenton  and  Princeton,  although  highly  skilful 
achievements  under  the  circumstances,  were  after 
all  mere  surprises,  an  army  against  an  advanced 
post. 

The  American  army  was  supposed  to  be  stronger 
and  in  better  condition  than  it  really  was,  and  hence 
considerable  expectations  of  success  were  enter 
tained.  So  much  being  at  stake,  the  Commander- 
in-chief  having  determined  to  risk  a  battle,  endea 
voured  by  every  means  in  his  power  to  excite  the 
spirit  of  the  soldiery  and  produce  an  enthusiasm 
among  the  men,  such  as  in  later  times  carried 
worse  troops  from  victory  to  victory.  With  this 
object,  the  general  orders  of  September  5th,  con 
tained  a  powerful  appeal  to  the  army.  After  stating 


GENERAL   MUHLENBEUG.  S? 

the  object  of  the  enemy  to  be  the  capture  of  Phila 
delphia,  and  reminding  the  troops  of  the  recent 
failure  of  the  same  enterprise  in  Jersey,  the  General 
goes  on  to  say,  that  "  he  trusts  they  will  be  again 
disappointed.  Should  they  put  their  designs  against 
Philadelphia  on  this  route,  their  all  is  at  stake. 
They  will  put  the  contest  on  the  event  of  a  single 
battle,  and  if  they  are  overthrown,  they  are  totally 
undone,  and  the  war  is  at  an  end.  Now  then  is  the 
time  for  our  most  strenuous  exertions ;  one  bold 
stroke  will  free  the  land  from  rapine,  devastation, 
and  burning,  and  female  innocence  from  brutal  lust 
and  violence."  He  then  proceeds  to  recapitulate 
the  successes  of  our  arms  in  the  north,  and  appeals 
to  the  emulation  of  the  army  under  his  immediate 
command  in  the  following  language :  "  Who  can 
forbear  to  emulate  their  noble  example  1  Who  is 
without  ambition  to  share  with  them  the  applause 
of  their  countrymen,  and  of  all  posterity,  as  the 
defenders  of  their  country  and  the  procurers  of 
peace  and  happiness  to  unborn  millions  in  the  pre 
sent  and  future  generations?  Two  years  we  have 
maintained  the  war,  and  struggled  with  difficulties 
innumerable,  but  the  prospect  has  since  brightened, 
and  our  aflliirs  put  on  a  better  lace.  Now  is  the 


88  MEMOIR  OF 

time  to  reap  the  fruits  of  all  our  toils  and  dangers ; 
if  we  behave  like  men,  this  third  campaign  will  be 
our  last.  Ours  is  the  main  army,  and  to  us  our 
country  looks  up  for  protection.  The  eyes  of  all 
America  and  all  Europe  arc  turned  upon  us,  as 
upon  those  by  whom  the  event  of  the  war  is  to  be 
determined;  and  the  General  assures  his  countrymen 
and  fellow-soldiers  that  he  believes  the  critical,  the 
important  moment  is  at  hand,  which  demands  their 
most  spirited  exertions  in  the  field.  Glory  waits  to 
crown  the  brave ;  peace,  freedom,  and  happiness 
will  be  the  reward  of  victory.  Animated  by  motives 
like  these,  soldiers  fighting  in  the  cause  of  inno 
cence,  humanity,  and  justice,  never  will  give  way, 
but  with  undaunted  resolution  press  on  to  conquest ; 
and  this  the  General  assures  himself  is  the  part  the 
American  forces  now  in  arms  will  act,  and  thus 
acting  he  will  assure  them  success." 

This  finely  written  appeal  no  doubt  produced 
some  effect,  but  the  morale  of  the  rank  and  file  of 
the  army  does  not  seem  to  have  been  at  that  time 
of  the  highest  order.  The  next  day  the  Comman 
der-in-chief  reiterates  his  orders  against  plundering 
the  inhabitants,  in  the  severest  terms;  and  orders 
that  if  any  one  shall  be  found  so  lost  to  all  sense  of 


GENERAL  MUI1LENDEUG.  8'J 

hunour  as  to  run  away  in  the  approaching  engage 
ment,  he  shall  be  immediately  shot.  On  the  same 
day,  in  the  brigade  orders  of  General  Muhlenberg, 
"  The  General  notices  with  regret  that  for  some 
days  past  many  soldiers  are  in  the  habit  of  getting 
drunk  regularly  at  least  once  a  day,  thereby  ren 
dering  themselves  unfit  for  duty  at  the  present  cri 
sis,"  and  denounces  the  most  severe  punishment  to 
similar  offienders. 

On  the  25th  of  August  the  British  fleet  arrived  at 
the  head  of  Elk,  and  the  disembarkation  of  their 
troops  was  commenced.  The  day  previous,  the 
American  forces  had  marched  through  Philadelphia 
on  their  way  to  meet  the  enemy.  The  enemy's 
landing  must  have  been  conducted  with  the  utmost 
deliberation ;  at  all  events,  Sir  William  Howe  was 
not  ready  to  move  from  the  head  of  Elk  until  the 
American  troops  had  selected  their  position.  On 
the  5th  of  September,  General  Washington's  head 
quarters  were  at  Wilmington,  and  on  the  7th,  the 
main  body  of  the  army  was  encamped  on  the  east 
side  of  Red  Clay  Creek,  with  the  divisions  of  Gene 
rals  Greene  and  Stephen  advanced  to  the  banks  of 
the  White  Clay  Creek,  but  a  few  miles  removed 
from  the  British  army  at  the  head  of  Elk.  The 
S* 


MEMOIR  OF 


strength  of  the  latter  was  full  eighteen  thousand 
men,  in  the  highest  state  of  discipline,  and  amply 
provided  with  all  necessary  equipment  and  material. 
The  former  was  estimated  at  fifteen  thousand,  but 
including  militia,  did  not  parade  on  the  day  of  battle 
more  than  eleven  thousand  effectives,  and  those  by 
no  means  so  well  armed  and  equipped  as  their  ad 
versaries.  The  two  armies  now  stood  facing  each 
other,  and  the  great  game,  in  which  the  lives  of  men 
were  the  pawns  and  the  fate  of  a  nation  the  stake, 
was  about  commencing. 

On  the  7th,  the  enemy  moved  in  two  columns 
from  Elkton,  and  after  some  skirmishing  with  Ge 
neral  Maxwell,  who  commanded  the  American 
light  infantry,  united  at  Newark.  The  divisions  of 
Greene  and  Stephen  were  then  recalled,  and  the 
whole  American  army,  except  the  light  infantry, 
concentrated  on  the  right  bank  of  Red  Clay  Creek, 
where  General  Washington  determined  to  give 
battle.  Sir  William  Howe,  not  liking  the  ground, 
again  advanced  in  two  columns,  one  making  a  feint 
of  attacking  the  Americans  in  front,  whilst  the  other 
extended  its  left  up  the  creek,  and  manoeuvred  to 
turn  their  opponents'  right  flank.  To  avoid  this, 
General  Washington,  early  on  the  night  of  the 


GENERAL   MUIiLENBERG.  91 

10th,  changed  his  ground,  and  with  his  whole 
army  took  post  behind  the  Brandywine  at  Chadd's 
Ford.  The  same  evening  the  enemy  moved  to  Ken- 
net  Square,  about  six  miles  from  the  American 
position.  Nothing  now  prevented  the  engagement 
which  Howe  sought,  and  Washington  did  not  de 
cline,  for  a  victory  only  would  save  Philadelphia. 

On  the  morning  of  the  llth,  the  American  troops 
were  posted  in  the  following  order.  The  main 
body,  consisting  of  Wayne's,  Muhlenberg's,  and 
Weedon's  brigades,  were  stationed  at  Chadd's 
Ford  ;  Wayne,  with  Proctor's  artillery,  occupying 
a  slightly  entrenched  eminence  immediately  above 
the  ford,  whilst  Greene's  division  took  post  further 
in  the  rear,  on  the  heights.  The  right  wing,  com 
posed  of  Sullivan's,  Stephen's,  and  Sterling's  divi 
sions,  extended  some  distance  up  the  river,  with 
orders  to  prevent  any  passage  of  the  fords.  These 
occurred  in  the  following  order:  Brinton's,  Jones's, 
Wistar's,  Buffington's,  and  Jeffries's;  the  two  latter 
being  above  the  forks  of  the  creek.  The  Pennsyl 
vania  militia  composed  the  left  wing,  and  were  to 
guard  the  lower  fords.  Maxwell's  light  infantry 
occupied  some  heights  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river, 


92  MEMOIR  OF 

at  Chadd's  Ford,  and  formed  a  part  of  the  main 
body,  with  which  Washington  remained  in  person. 
The  enemy  left  Kennet  Square  in  two  columns, 
one  under  Lieutenant-General  Knyphausen,  and  the 
other  under  Lord  Cornwallis.  The  American  army 
was  destined  again  to  be  defeated  by  the  familiar 
artifice  of  amusing  the  front  whilst  the  other  column, 
turning  the  flank,  gained  their  rear.  But  General 
Washington  cannot  be  blamed  for  not  foreseeing 
this  movement.  No  one  could  suppose  that  so  ex 
perienced  an  officer  as  Sir  William  Howe  would 
commit  the  terrible  error  of  separating  the  two 
wings  of  his  army  seventeen  miles  asunder,  thus 
giving  his  enemy  the  opportunity  of  overwhelming 
each  in  succession  whilst  unsupported.  But  the 
magnitude  of  the  blunder  saved  him  from  its  effects; 
for  Washington,  not  believing  that  the  second  co 
lumn  could  be  out  of  supporting  distance,  hesitated 
to  attack  the  small  command  of  Knyphausen,  and 
the  enemy  were  permitted  to  make  their  dispositions 
unmolested.  The  first  column  under  Knyphausen 
advanced  upon  Chadd's  Ford,  and  driving  Maxwell 
across  the  stream,  made  preparations  to  cross; 
whilst  Cornwallis,  after  making  a  circuit  of  seven- 


GENERAL   MUHLENBE11C. 

teen  miles,  passed  the  stream  at  Jeffries's  Ford,  which 
Sullivan  had  left  unguarded,  and  even  unobserved. 
Whether  Sullivan  was  blameable  or  not,20  and  why 
no  information  of  the  march  of  a  column  thirteen 
thousand  strong  could  be  obtained  by  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  are  questions  not  here  to  be  dis 
cussed.  The  writer's  object  is  to  trace  the  conduct 
of  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  and  introduce  only 
such  matter  as  is  necessary  to  its  full  comprehen 
sion. 

When  it  became  certain  that  Cornwallis  had 
gained  the  American  rear,  and  that  his  force  was 
drawn  up  in  order  of  battle  on  the  heights  behind 
the  Birmingham  meeting-house,  Washington  issued 
his  orders  with  great  energy  and  rapidity.  Two 
principal  objects  were  to  be  obtained, — to  check 
the  advance  of  Cornwallis,  and  prevent  the  passage 
of  Chadd's  Ford  by  Knyphausen.  To  effect  these, 
Wayne  was  left  at  the  ford,  the  whole  right  wing 
ordered  off  to  oppose  Cornwallis,  with  directions 
for  each  brigade  to  attack  as  soon  as  it  came  upon 
the  ground,  and  Greene,  with  the  brigades  of  Muh- 
lenberg  and  Weedon  acting  as  a  reserve,  was  halted 
in  Wayne's  rear,  in  such  a  situation  that  he  could 
readily  assist  either  of  the  parties  engaged. 


94  MEMOIR  OF 

The  right  wing  had  advanced  rapidly  to  their 
designated  position,  but  owing  to  some  delay  in 
forming,  originating  in  a  foolish  dispute  as  to  the 
post  of  honour,30  they  were  attacked  before  they 
had  completed  their  formation.  At  the  ford,  as 
soon  as  Knyphausen  knew  from  the  heavy  firing 
that  Cornwallis  was  engaged,  he  attempted  to  cross 
the  stream  in  earnest.  Wayne  opposed  this  move 
ment  with  his  usual  vigour ;  and  Greene  was  pre 
paring  to  assist  him,  when  an  order  arrived  from 
Washington,  who  was  with  the  right  wing,  direct 
ing  him  to  move  forward  immediately  to  the  sup 
port  of  that  portion  of  the  army,  then  most  sorely 
pressed.  Greene  instantly  obeyed,  and  his  division 
was  put  in  motion  with  such  an  impetus,  that  al 
though  the  distance  was  over  four  miles,  it  is  esta 
blished  on  the  best  authority  that  it  was  performed 
in  forty  minutes,31  the  men  moving  on  a  trot,  and 
with  an  ardour  that  scarcely  admitted  of  the  pre 
servation  of  order.  Such  a  march  is  almost  un 
paralleled. 

In  the  course  of  the  day,  Washington  had  pointed 
out  to  Greene  a  second  position  which  it  would  be 
advisable  to  occupy,  should  the  event  prove  unfor 
tunate  to  the  American  arms.  It  was  about  a  mile 


GENERAL  MUI1LENBERG.  95 

from  the  Birmingham  meeting-house,  on  the  road 
to  Dilworth,  in  a  narrow  defile,  flanked  on  both 
sides  by  woods,  and  perfectly  commanding  the 
road.33  On  this  spot  Colonel  Pinckney,  an  aid  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  met  Greene  with  orders  to 
occupy  the  position  and  protect  the  retreat  of  the 
army.  This  was  highly  necessary,  for  the  right 
wing  had  been  completely  routed,  and  was  in  full 
flight. 

Now  was  proved  the  value  of  the  high  state  of 
discipline  to  which  these  troops  had  been  brought 
by  the  unceasing  exertions  of  their  commanders. 
Upon  them  hung  the  fate  of  the  army  and  the 
nation ;  for  unless  they  checked  the  victorious  ad 
vance  of  the  enemy,  the  defeat  would  have  proved 
destruction.  But  nobly  did  these  brave  men  redeem 
the  trust  confided  to  them.  Almost  overcome  as 
they  were  by  their  rapid  and  exhausting  march, 
they  hesitated  not  a  moment.  Weedon's  brigade 
was  drawn  up  in  the  defile,  to  afford  a  protecting 
point,  behind  which  the  scattered  parties  of  Ame 
ricans  might  rally,  whilst  Muhlenberg's,  with  which 
was  Greene  in  person,  passed  on  to  Weedon's  right, 
and  met  the  enemy  at  the  road.  Charging  them 
gallantly,  they  drove  back  the  hostile  columns,  who 


96  MEMOIR  OF 

were  advancing  flushed  with  victory,  and  counting 
securely  on  the  total  destruction  of  the  rebel  army. 
The  contest  here  was  terrific.  The  troops  were 
engaged  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  charge 
followed  charge  with  the  utmost  desperation.33  This 
single  brigade  resisted  the  attack  of  Lord  Corn- 
wallis's  whole  command;  and  although  opposed  by 
the  guards,  grenadiers,  light  infantry,  and  some 
chosen  regiments  of  Hessians,  they  firmly  main 
tained  their  position.  The  conduct  of  General 
Muhlenberg  at  this  crisis  was  such  as  to  win  him 
the  admiration  and  esteem  of  the  whole  army. 
Conspicuous  at  the  head  of  his  men,  he  braved 
every  danger,  leading  the  charges  upon  the  enemy, 
and  approaching  so  close  as  to  be  personally  recog 
nised  by  them.  He  had  his  orders  to  maintain  the 
post,  and  would  have  yielded  it  only  with  his  life. 

This  desperate  resistance  effectually  stopped  the 
progress  of  the  British  army,  and  allowed  time  for 
our  broken  troops  to  retreat.  On  the  left,  the  enemy 
had  met  with  the  same  determined  opposition  from 
Weedon's  brigade,  which  retained  its  position  until 
fairly  overwhelmed  by  numbers,  when  it  retreated 
in  good  order  under  the  protection  of  Muhlenberg's 
command,  which  was  the  last  to  quit  the  field. 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  97 

"  Both  brigades,"  says  the  author  of  the  Life  of 
Greene,  "here  exhibited  that  firmness  and  precision 
of  movement  which  drew  forth  the  admiration  of 
the  enemy,  whilst  it  checked  their  advance  in  the 
career  of  victory."34  Upon  their  retreat  they  also 
succeeded  in  extricating  General  Wayne,  who  after 
a  most  gallant  resistance,  had  been  compelled  to 
yield  to  the  numerical  superiority  of  Knyphausen. 
Thus  the  conduct  of  these  troops  saved  everything, 
and  left  in  the  hands  of  the  British  general  a  barren 
victory. 

Several  hours  of  daylight  still  remained  after 
the  total  rout  of  the  right  wing.  Had  the  enemy 
been  able  to  occupy  this  time  in  the  unmolested 
pursuit  of  troops  who  had  lost  all  semblance  of 
order,  it  needs  a  very  slight  military  knowledge 
to  see  that  the  consequences  would  have  been 
most  disastrous,  and  would  probably  have  resulted 
in  the  entire  destruction  of  the  American  forces. 
Had  that  occurred,  human  speculation  cannot  divine 
what  would  have  been  the  effect  upon  the  future 
fate  of  this  country.  Fortunately  the  event  proved 
different,  but  that  it  did  so  is  entirely  attributable 
to  the  firmness  and  gallantry  of  the  troops  com 
manded  by  Generals  Muhlenberg  and  Weedon. 
9 


98  MEMOIR  OF 

Hence  the  trifling  loss  suffered  by  the  army — 
trifling  when  the  sharpness  of  the  action,  and  the 
total  rout  of  a  portion  of  the  troops  is  considered — 
can  be  accounted  for  by  nothing  else  than  the  firm 
and  excellent  conduct  of  the  reserve. 

All  the  American  accounts  concur  in  making 
these  two  brigades  the  heroes  of  the  day,35  nor 
were  the  British  backward  in  admitting  their 
bravery.  An  English  author30  speaking  of  them 
says,  that  "  they  exhibited  a  degree  of  firmness, 
order,  and  resolution,  and  preserved  such  a  counte 
nance  in  extremely  sharp  service,  as  would  not 
have  discredited  veterans."  Well  might  they  con 
fess  thus  much,  when  for  several  hours  these  troops 
had  held  the  greater  portion  of  the  British  army 
at  bay.  The  fact  that,  after  routing  the  whole 
American  force  opposed  to  them,  the  British  pur 
suit  continued  for  only  one  mile,  when  it  was  so 
severely  checked  that  it  never  advanced  beyond 
that  point,  is  the  highest  compliment  that  can  be 
paid  to  those  Generals,  who  with  but  three  or  four 
thousand  men  arrested  the  progress  of  a  victorious 
column  numbering  thirteen  thousand. 

The  good  conduct  of  these  brigades   was   not 
noticed  in  general  orders   by  the   Commander-in- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  99 

chief,  the  common  interest  requiring  that  an  effort 
should  be  made  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  raw 
troops  who  had  broken,  whose  officers  were 
writhing  under  the  mortification  of  their  recent 
defeat,  and  the  knowledge  that  other  troops  had 
behaved  better  than  their  own.  Acting  under  this 
resolution,  Washington's  official  despatches  merely 
state  the  result  of  the  day,  distinguishing  no  officer 
or  corps  for  either  good  or  bad  conduct.  Some 
of  the  officers,  particularly  General  Weedon,  were 
said  to  have  been  dissatisfied  with  this  course,  and 
to  have  remonstrated  with  General  Greene,  their 
immediate  commander.  According  to  one  ac 
count,  he  is  said  to  have  expostulated  warmly 
with  Washington  on  the  injustice  done  to  the 
brave  men  of  his  division  ;  but  the  latter  replied 
that  Greene  was  said  to  be  his  favourite  officer, 
and  these  troops  like  himself  were  Virginians,  and 
if  he  were  to  applaud  them  for  their  gallant  con 
duct,  he  would  be  charged  with  partiality ;  jealousy 
would  be  excited,  and  the  service  would  suffer.37 
Another,  and  a  more  probable  version  of  the  story, 
is,  that  when  Greene  was  desired  to  speak  with 
the  Commander-in-chief,  he  declined,  observing 
correctly  enough :  "  Our  General  has  enough  to 


100  MEMOIR  OF 

distress  him ;  let  us  not  add  to  his  perplexities. 
The  whole  army  admits  the  services  you  rendered; 
let  us  rest  satisfied  with  the  consciousness  of  it."38 
This  magnanimity  was  appreciated  in  the  army, 
and  although  not  figuring  in  the  despatch,  neither 
Greene  nor  the  Virginians  lost  reputation  among 
their  fellow-soldiers  by  this  sacrifice ;  and  in  private 
letters  both  Generals  Muhlenberg  and  Weedon 
were  highly  complimented  for  their  conduct. 

The  rendezvous  of  the  American  troops  was 
Chester,  to  which  the  baggage  had  before  been 
sent  forward.  Greene's  division  moved  last,30 
covering  the  retreat  of  the  army,  but  the  check 
at  the  ravine  had  been  sufficient  for  the  enemy, 
and  no  attempt  was  made  at  pursuit.  Arriving 
at  Chester,  the  Commander-in-chief  wrote  to  Con 
gress,  that  he  was  agreeably  surprised  to  find  his 
loss  so  small  and  the  troops  in  such  good  condi 
tion, — another  proof  of  the  gallant  conduct  of  the 
reserve. 

So  excellent  was  the  condition  of  the  army,  that 
before  Sir  William  Howe  had  left  the  field  of 
Brandywine,  the  Americans  were  ready  to  engage 
him  anew.  After  some  little  manoeuvring,  the  two 
armies  approached  each  other  on  the  16th,  at  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENEERG.  101 

Warren  Tavern  on  the  Lancaster  Road,  arid  the 
advance  parties  of  each  had  actually  commenced 
the  action,  when  a  heavy  rain  separated  the  com 
batants.40  The  ammunition  of  the  American  forces 
was  so  completely  ruined,  that  they  found  it  neces 
sary  to  retreat  beyond  the  reach  of  their  opponents 
until  they  could  renew  the  supply  of  that  indis 
pensable  article.  During  this  time  the  enemy 
succeeded  in  passing  the  Schuylkill,  and  advancing 
so  near  Philadelphia  that  Washington  could  not 
again  throw  his  army  between  them  and  that 
city.  It  was  therefore  necessarily  abandoned  to 
its  fate. 


102  MEMOIR  OF 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Continuation  of  Campaign  of  1777 — Discipline  of  his  Brigade 
— Council  of  War — Battle  of  Gcrmantown — Position  of  the 
Enemy — American  Plan  of  Attack — Progress  of  Main  Body 
— Position  of  Wayne  and  Stephen — Progress  of  Left  Column — 
Gains  the  Centre  of  Village — Muhlenberg's  Charge — Defeat 
of  British  Right  Wing — Retreat  of  American  Main  Body — 
Left  Column  surrounded — Its  Retreat — Capture  of  the  Ninth 
Virginia  Regiment  —  Muhlenberg's  Brigade  retreats  last — 
Exposure  of  his  Person — Causes  of  the  Censure  attempted  to 
be  cast  upon  General  Greene  and  the  Left  Column — Contem 
plated  Attack  upon  Philadelphia — General  Muhlenberg's  Opi 
nion  on  the  Cantonment  of  the  Troops — Opinion  on  a  proposed 
Winter  Campaign  and  Attack  on  Philadelphia — Remains  at 
Valley  Forge  during  the  Winter — Attempts  to  capture  Him — 
Anecdote — Dispute  of  Rank  with  General  Woodford — State 
ment  of  the  Case — Referred  to  Board  of  General  Officers — 
Letter  to  Congress — Letters  to  and  from  General  Washington 
— His  Resignation  not  accepted — Letter  to  the  Virginia  Dele 
gation — Resolution  of  Congress-MDpinion  of  Patrick  Henry — 
Settlement  of  the  Dispute. 

ALTHOUGH  the  season  of  the  year  was  far  ad 
vanced  when  the  British  forces  took  possession  of 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  103 

Philadelphia,  neither  army  as  yet  thought  of  going 
into  winter  quarters.  Before  the  enemy  could 
quietly  enjoy  their  conquest,  it  was  necessary  that 
the  American  forts  on  the  Delaware  should  be 
destroyed,  in  order  to  afford  free  communication 
between  their  land  and  sea  forces.  On  the  other 
hand,  General  Washington,  with  his  army  on  the 
western  side  of  the  city,  and  having  command  of 
the  Delaware  above  and  below,  hoped  by  active 
operations  to  render  Sir  William  Howe's  position 
so  precarious  as  to  induce  him  to  evacuate  Phila 
delphia.  With  these  views,  the  forts  on  the  Dela 
ware  were  reinforced,  and  much  gallantry  was 
displayed  by  the  Americans  in  those  posts  before 
they  were  finally  reduced,  whilst  the  main  army 
advanced  as  near  to  the  enemy's  lines  as  possible, 
prepared  to  act  as  circumstances  might  dictate. 
General  Muhlenberg,  with  his  brigade,  still  re 
mained  attached  to  Greene's  division,  and  conse 
quently,  the  movements  of  the  main  army  are  those 
only  which  this  sketch  will  follow. 

He  seems,  during  the  whole  of  this  period,  to 
have  paid  the  most  unremitting  attention  to  the 
discipline  of  his  brigade,  thus  sustaining  his  reputa 
tion  as  a  strict  disciplinarian ;  and  judging  from 


104  MEMOIR  OF 

the  following  passage  extracted  from  his  brigade 
orders  of  September  28th,  not  without  effect: 
"  The  General  informs  the  brigade  that  there  have 
been  great  complaints  of  late  against  the  soldiery 
for  disobedience  of  general  orders,  and  infractions 
of  military  discipline ;  and  although  he  flatters 
himself  that  few  instances  can  be  produced  where 
general  orders  have  been  disobeyed  in  his  brigade, 
yet  he  wishes  the  colonels,  as  well  as  the  other 
officers,  to  guard  against  any  well-founded  corn- 
plaints  in  the  future.  As  his  Excellency  is  deter 
mined  to  look  to  the  brigadiers  for  compliance 
with  his  orders  in  the  brigade,  so  the  brigadier 
will  hold  those  responsible  who  have  the  more 
immediate  command  of  the  soldiery." 

On  the  same  day  a  council  of  general  officers41 
was  held,  to  whom  the  Commander-in-chief  stated, 
that  with  the  reinforcements  recently  arrived  the 
army  would  be  about  eight  thousand  Continentals 
and  three  thousand  militia,  whilst  the  British  force 
in  Germantown  was  about  eight  thousand  strong. 
He  then  desired  their  opinion  as  to  whether  an 
immediate  attack  should  be  made  upon  the  enemy's 
advanced  forces,  or  whether  it  should  be  postponed 
until  the  arrival  of  the  further  reinforcements  ordered 


GENERAL   MUIILENBERG.  105 

from  Pcekskill,  amounting  to  about  two  thousand 
five  hundred  men  fit  for  duty.  Considerable  diffe 
rence  of  opinion  ensued ;  Brigadiers  Smallwood, 
Wayne,  Scott,  Potter,  and  Irvine,  voting  that  an 
attack  should  be  made,  whilst  Major-Generals 
Sullivan,  Greene,  Sterling,  Stephen,  Armstrong, 
and  Brigadiers  M'Dougall,  Knox,  Muhlenberg, 
Nash,  and  Conway,  expressed  their  opinion,  that 
it  should  be  deferred  until  after  the  arrival  of  the 
reinforcement.  Had  this  resolution  been  adopted, 
the  action  at  Germantown,  instead  of  being  a 
drawn  battle,  would  probably  have  resulted  in  a 
complete  victory. 

A  few  days  afterwards,  however,  the  enemy's 
operations  at  the  forts  on  the  Delaware  required 
them  to  detach  a  regiment  from  Germantown,  and 
this  further  weakening  of  the  outposts  in  the  divided 
state  of  the  British  forces,  seemed  so  favourable  an 
opportunity  for  a  vigorous  attack  upon  the  latter 
place,  that  it  was  resolved  upon  and  directed  to  be 
made.  As  in  this  action  General  Muhlenberg  dis 
tinguished  himself  greatly,  although  in  the  numerous 
quarrels  and  recriminations  arising  from  it,  he  was 
deprived  of  the  praise  he  had  so  justly  earned,  a 


100 


MEMOIR  OF 


somewhat  particular  account  of  the  affair  will  be 
necessary. 

The  village  of  Germantown  was  in  that  day  ap 
proached  from  above  by  four  principal  roads,  upon 
all  of  which  the  Americans  advanced.  The  cen 
tre  one  was  the  direct  road  through  the  village  to 
Philadelphia;  the  one  on  the  right,  known  as  the 
Ridge  Road,  ran  nearly  parallel  to  the  first,  and  en 
tered  the  main  road  below  the  village ;  whilst  the 
one  on  the  left,  called  the  Lime  Kiln  Road,  entered 
the  village  about  midway,  forming  an  acute  angle 
with  the  central  road.  There  was  still  another, 
further  to  the  left,  named  the  Old  York  Road, 
which  entered  the  direct  road  immediately  below 
the  village. 

The  enemy  were  posted  in  the  centre  of  the  vil 
lage,  the  line  of  their  encampment  being  at  right 
angles  with  the  main  road,  which  divided  it  into 
two  almost  equal  parts.  A  regiment  of  light  in 
fantry  was  advanced  on  the  main  road,  and  another 
on  the  Lime  Kiln  Road,  whilst  two  battalions  of  the 
guards  observed  the  Old  York  Road,  and  the  Ger 
man  chasseurs  the  Ridge  Road.42  The  disposition 
of  the  enemy  was  therefore  most  excellent,  and  his 
troops  very  advantageously  posted. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  107 

Nor  was  Washington's  plan  less  skilful.     He  de 
signed  to  attack  both  wings,  in  front  and  rear,  at 
the  same  time,  and  thus  annihilate  or  force  them  to 
surrender.     His  dispositions  to  effect  this  were  as 
follows :  on  the  main  road  advanced  the  divisions 
of  Sullivan  and  Wayne,  flanked  by  Conway's  bri 
gade,  and  followed  by   the  reserve,  consisting  of 
Sterling's  division  and  the  brigades  of  Maxwell  and 
Nash.     On  the  Lime  Kiln  Road  advanced  the  di 
visions  of  Greene  and  Stephen,  flanked  by  M'Dou- 
gali's  brigade,  the  former  consisting  of  the  Virginia 
brigades  of  Muhlenberg  and  Scott,  and  the  whole 
commanded  by  General  Greene,  thus  leaving  the 
immediate  command   of  his   division   to   General 
Muhlenberg.      On  the  right,  Armstrong's   militia, 
with  whom  was  the  Commander-in-chief,  advanced 
by  the  Ridge  Road,  whilst  on  the  extreme  left,  the 
Maryland  militia,  commanded  by  General   Small- 
wood,  an  excellent  officer  with  very  bad   troops, 
marched  on  the  Old  York  Road.      The  two  latter 
parties  of  militia,  unfortunately  for  the  success  of 
the  plan,  scarcely  did  more  than  look  at  their  op 
ponents,43  except  some  few  corps   of  Armstrong's 
command,  who  afterwards  joined  the  main  body  of 
the  Americans. 


108  MEMOIR  OF 

The  advance  of  the  main  column  under  Sullivan 
upon  the  direct  road  encountered  the  British  pick 
ets,  which  were  soon  driven  in,  but  Colonel  Mus- 
grove,  by  throwing  a  portion  of  the  40th  regiment 
into  Chew's  house,  caused  a  delay  and  change  of 
position,  which  proved  most  fatal  to  the  progress  of 
the  left  column  under  Greene,  whose  conduct  we 
wish  more  particularly  to  trace.  A  regiment  was 
left,  to  observe  Chew's  house,  whilst.  Sullivan's  divi 
sion  made  a  detour  to  the  right,  and  Wayne's  to 
the  left,  and  advanced.  General  Greene  was  mov 
ing  forward  upon  the  Lime  Kiln  Road  with  the 
division  commanded  by  Muhlenberg  on  the  left,  and 
that  under  Stephen  on  the  right,  and  as  this  column 
arrived  about  half  an  hour  after  Sullivan's,  Wayne's 
division  was  directly  in  front  of  the  position  properly 
occupied  by  Stephen. 

The  original  plan,  that  Sullivan  and  Wayne 
should  attack  that  part  of  the  enemy  stationed  on 
the  right  of  the  direct  road,  whilst  Greene's  com 
mand  did  the  same  with  the  portion  on  the  left,  was 
now  broken  in  upon,  while  the  fog  and  the  peculiar 
nature  of  the  ground  prevented  the  change  of  dis 
position  being  made  known.  When  Stephen's  di 
vision  advanced,  finding  a  large  body  of  troops  in 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  109 

front  of  them,  seen  indistinctly  through  the  fog, 
they  took  it  for  granted  that  they  must  be  enemies, 
and  fired  upon  them.  This  not  only  threw  Wayne 
into  confusion,  but  retarded  the  advance  of  Ste 
phen's  division,  which  was  thus  separated  from  the 
remainder  of  Greene's  column,  and  which  it  never 
rejoined.4*  In  this  position  these  troops  remain 
ed  until  the  retreat  commenced,  Sullivan's  and 
Sterling's  divisions  on  the  right  of  the  road  and 
Wayne's  on  the  left,  between  that  and  the  Lime 
Kiln  Road,  whilst  Stephen  was  directly  in  the  rear 
of  Wayne.  None  of  these  troops  advanced  beyond 
the  outskirts  of  the  village. 

Let  us  now  trace  the  progress  of  the  remainder 
of  the  left  column.  This  was  headed  by  Greene 
in  person,  and  consisted  of  only  his  own  division 
under  General  Muhlenberg  and  M'Dougall's  bri 
gade.  They  advanced  upon  the  left  side  of  the 
road,  and  encountering  a  regiment  of  light  infantry, 
the  British  advance,  soon  forced  it  to  retire  in  con 
fusion.  Pressing  rapidly  forward  they  entered  the 
village,  near  the  centre  of  which  they  found  the 
British  right  drawn  up  to  receive  them.  Thus  far 
the  American  left  column  had  performed  the  entire 
duty  allotted  to  them,  and  they  were  the  only  troops 
10 


110  MEMOIR  OF 

on  the  field  who  had  done  so,  and  now  that  they 
had  gained  the  position  assigned  them  for  their 
attack,  they  found  opposed  to  them  the  whole  right 
wing  of  the  enemy  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle, 
whilst  one  half  their  own  force  was  a  mile  in  the 
rear,  in  utter  confusion,  with  its  commander  unfor 
tunately  so  intoxicated  as  to  be  unable  to  restore 
order. 

But  the  troops  so  situated  were  the  same  who  at 
Brandywine  had  held  at  bay  the  whole  British 
army,  and  the  reputation  then  gained  they  were 
determined  not  to  lose  upon  this  occasion.  Although 
from  the  absence  of  Stephen's  division,  their  oppo 
nents  were  almost  double  in  number,  not  a  mo 
ment's  delay  took  place.  The  attack  was  made 
with  a  fierceness  and  impetuosity  which  staggered 
the  enemy.  For  some  time  the  contest  was  ex 
tremely  sharp,  but  at  length  the  British  troops  gave 
symptoms  of  wavering.  At  this  critical  moment, 
Muhlenberg's  brigade,  which  was  the  leading  one, 
advanced,  led  by  himself  personallv,  and  charged 
their  opponents  with  the  bayonet.  The  two  batta 
lions  of  guards  who  were  opposed  to  them  stood 
the  shock  for  a  few  moments,  but  the  impetuosity 
and  firmness  of  the  charge  were  too  great,  and 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  1  1 1 

finally  the  Continentals  prevailed.  The  British 
right  was  now  broken,  and  the  Americans  ad 
vanced,  driving  them  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet 
through  their  encampment  into  the  village,  and 
making  many  prisoners.45 

The  left  column,  with  a  force  far  inferior  to  the 
one  originally  assigned  it,  had  thus  far  succeeded 
in  turning  the  enemy's  right  flank  and  gaining  his 
rear,  which  was  precisely  the  duty  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  desired  it  to  execute.  Had  the 
remainder  of  the  army  done  as  well,  the  victory 
would  have  been  complete.  It  had  penetrated  to 
the  centre  of  the  village,  full  a  mile  beyond  any 
other  division  of  the  army,  and  some  of  the  regi 
ments  of  Muhlenberg's  brigade  had  actually  passed 
through  the  village  and  gained  the  rear  of  the  right 
wing.48  The  British  left  had  advanced,  so  that 
Greene  was  in  their  rear  and  Sullivan  in  front ;  had 
the  latter  been  able  to  persist  in  his  attack,  that 
portion  of  the  enemy  must  have  been  captured  or 
destroyed,  and  the  regiments  which  had  gained  the 
rear  of  the  right  wing  would  most  probably  have 
effected  the  same  result  there.  But  instead  of  ad 
vancing,  the  main  body  was  just  commencing  its 
retreat.  The  officers,  with  a  few  exceptions,  had 


112  MEMOIR  OF 

done  everything  in  men's  power,  but  their  ammuni 
tion  was  expended,  and  the  disorder  so  great  as  to 
be  irretrievable. 

But  this  retreat  had  nearly  proved  fatal  to  the 
left  column,  and  especially  to  General  Muhlenberg 
and  his  brigade,  who,  having  penetrated  farthest 
into  the  enemy's  lines,  were  at  this  time  the  most 
exposed.  The  British  left  wing,  instead  of  pursuing 
the  retreating  Americans,  immediately  returned  to 
the  assistance  of  the  right,  and  thus  Greene  very 
unexpectedly  found  himself  attacked  in  front  and 
rear.  Scott's  and  M'Dougall's  brigades  were  easily 
concentrated,  but  to  extricate  Muhlenberg's  was  a 
more  difficult  task.  A  violent  struggle  ensued,  but 
finally  the  latter,  who  had  penetrated  into  the  ene 
my's  lines  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  forced  his 
way  back  with  the  same  weapon,  and  rejoined  the 
column.  In  so  doing,  however,  he  lost  all  the  pri 
soners  he  had  captured,  and  the  most  advanced 
regiment  of  his  brigade,  (the  9th  Virginia,47  com 
manded  by  Colonel  Matthews,  an  able  and  gallant 
officer,)  was  surrounded  and  compelled  to  surren 
der.  These  were  the  only  prisoners  taken  by  the 
enemy,  and  the  left  column  was  the  only  part  of  the 
American  army  which  used  the  bayonet.49  These 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  113 

facts  show  what  troops  bore  the  brunt  of  the  en 
gagement. 

Greene,  with  the  other  two  brigades,  had  up  to 
this  time  maintained  his  position  with  a  tenacity 
bordering  upon  desperation,  determined  at  all  odds 
to  rescue  his  favourite  brigadier,  who  with  his 
whole  command  would  otherwise  inevitably  have 
been  captured.  That  being  done,  the  column  com 
menced  its  retreat,  and  soon  joined  Stephen's  divi 
sion,  which  having  been  scarcely  engaged,  was 
able  to  protect  the  remainder  of  the  march. 

During  the  early  part  of  this  retreat,  an  incident 
occurred  which  showed  how  recklessly  General 
Muhlenberg  exposed  his  person,  and  in  which  his 
skill  as  a  shot  probably  saved  his  life.  It  happened 
near  the  village,  where  the  ground  was  cut  up  into 
small  enclosures  strongly  fenced.  His  brigade, 
being  the  last,  was  of  course  most  exposed  to  the 
attacks  of  the  enemy;  and  he  very  properly  insisted 
upon  bringing  up  the  rear  himself.  In  so  doing  he 
was  several  times  nearly  taken ;  and  upon  one  oc 
casion,  whilst  Captain  Hubley  and  some  men  were 
pulling  down  a  fence  which  his  tired  horse  was  un 
able  to  leap,  he  was  aroused  from  the  doze  into 
which  fatigue  and  loss  of  sleep  had  thrown  him, 
10* 


114  MEMOlll  OF 

(having  been  on  horseback  for  the  greater  part  of 
two  nights  and  a  day,)  by  the  whistling  of  a  ball 
past  his  ear,  and  the  cry  running  along  the  British 
ranks — "  Pick  off  that  officer  on  the  white  horse  !" 
Turning  round,  he  saw  a  young  English  officer 
who  had  taken  a  musket  from  one  of  his  men,  and 
fired  at  him  personally.  He  was  about  renewing 
the  experiment,  when  the  General,  drawing  a  pistol 
from  his  holster,  although  at  some  distance,  shot 
him  through  the  head.  His  fall  stopped  the  firing, 
and  the  General  rejoined  his  brigade.49 

The  American  army  retreated  the  same  day 
about  twenty  miles  to  the  Perkiomen  Creek ;  but 
being  reinforced  in  a  short  time  by  the  arrival  of 
the  troops  from  Peekskill,  it  soon  resumed  its  old 
position  on  the  Skippack. 

As  at  Brandywine,  the  Virginians  had  again  been 
the  heroes  of  the  day,  and  again  were  they  deprived 
of  the  praise  so  justly  deserved.  Had  justice  been 
done  upon  this  occasion,  General  Muhlenberg's 
name  would  have  figured  prominently  among  those 
who  highly  distinguished  themselves.  Several  rea 
sons  will  account  for  this  not  being  done.  The 
attack  was  unsuccessful,  and  as  at  Brandywine,  it 
might  have  been  productive  of  injurious  conse- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  115 

quences  to  have  complimented  a  part  of  the  army 
at  the  expense  of  the  rest.  Much  indignation,  too, 
was  expressed  at  the  conduct  of  General  Stephen, 
the  major-general  of  the  Virginia  line,  who  was 
afterwards  cashiered  for  intoxication  and  shameful 
conduct  on  the  retreat;  and  this  no  doubt  had  its 
effect  in  producing  prejudice  against  the  Virginia 
troops.  But  the  great  reason  arose  from  the  dis 
sensions  in  the  army  and  the  influence  of  the  Con- 
way  cabal.  Not  yet  strong  enough  to  strike  openly 
at  the  Commander-in-chief,  they  attempted  to  de 
stroy  his  friends.  Upon  this  occasion  General 
Greene  was  selected  as  the  victim ;  and  although 
it  would  puzzle  the  keenest  intellect  to  discover 
anything  save  what  was  commendable  in  his  own 
conduct  or  that  of  his  division,  yet  prejudice,  false 
hood,  and  malignant  hostility  raised  so  great  a 
clamour,  that  for  a  time  it  was  really  believed  by 
a  portion  of  the  community  that  the  conduct  of  the 
left  column  had  been  most  shameful.50  As  the  cabal 
had  at  this  time  a  strong  party  in  the  army,  the 
Commander-in-chief  may  have  deemed  it  proper  for 
the  interests  of  the  service  to  give  them  no  ground 
for  charging  him  with  partiality;  and  thus  the  Vir 
ginians  were  again  compelled  to  rest  satisfied  with 


116  MEMOIR  OF 

the  consciousness  of  having  most  gallantly  dis 
charged  their  entire  duty.  At  all  events,  the  de 
spatch  of  General  Washington  was  confined  entirely 
to  the  conduct  of  the  main  body,  referring  Congress 
to  General  Greene's  report  for  information  as  to  the 
left  column.  Future  historians,  however,  did  Greene 
and  his  officers  justice;  and  after  the  lapse  of  so 
many  years,  this  sketch  has  .at  last  presented  the 
whole  conduct  of  General  Muhlenberg  in  its  proper 
light. 

To  supply  the  loss  of  the  ninth  Virginia  regiment, 
which  had  been  destroyed  or  captured  in  the  late 
engagement,  the  state  regiment  from  Virginia, 
which  had  recently  arrived  among  other  reinforce 
ments,  was  ordered  to  join  General  Muhlenberg's 
brigade. 

After  the  battle  of  Germantown  a  number  of 
court-martials  were  held,  upon  all  of  which  General 
Muhlenberg  was  detailed — certainly  one  of  the  most 
disagreeable  duties  which  fall  to  the  lot  of  a  soldier. 
Wavne  was  tried  for  the  surprise  at  Paoli,  and  ho 
nourably  acquitted;  Stephen  for  intoxication  at 
Germantown,  and  cashiered ;  and  Maxwell  for  the 
like  offence  at  Brandywine. 

Although  now  near  the  close  of  the  month  of 


GENERAL  MUHLENBEilG.  117 

October,  both  armies  were  still  in  the  field.  The 
British,  since  the  attack  upon  Germantown,  had 
withdrawn  their  forces  from  that  place,  and 
concentrating  them  in  and  about  Philadelphia, 
turned  their  whole  attention  to  the  destruction  of 
the  American  works  on  the  Delaware.  In  the 
mean  time  Washington  retained  a  position  as  near 
as  possible  to  Philadelphia,  determined  to  risk  an 
action  upon  the  first  favourable  opportunity,  before 
the  union  of  the  enemy's  land  and  sea  forces.  Ge 
neral  Howe,  however,  acted  with  so  much  caution 
and  circumspection  as  to  render  this  impossible. 

On  the  29th  of  October  a  council  of  general 
officers51  was  called ;  and  the  Commander-in-chief, 
after  stating  the  relative  strength  of  the  two  armies, 
desired  an  expression  of  opinion  as  to  the  practica 
bility  of  an  attack  upon  Philadelphia.  After  con 
siderable  debate,  it  was  pronounced  not  advisable; 
but  the  army  still  remained  in  the  field.  Late  in 
the  following  month,  the  absence  of  Cornwallis 
with  two  thousand  men  seemed  to  present  a  favour 
able  opportunity  for  an  attack,  nnd  the  proposition 
was  again  laid  before  a  council.  Four  general 
officers,  among  whom  was  General  Muhlenberg, 
voted  in  favour  of  the  attack  being  made ;  but  the 


118 


MEMOIR.  OF 


majority  were  opposed  to  it,  and  the  project  was 
relinquished. 

The  season  of  the  year  was  now  so  far  advanced 
that  it  became  absolutely  necessary  to  seek  proper 
winter  quarters  for  the  army;  and  accordingly  the 
commanding  officers  were  consulted  upon  the  sub 
ject  of  the  cantonment  of  the  troops.  The  following 
opinion  was  given  by  General  Muhlenberg : 

"  I  would  beg  leave  to  premise  that,  agreeably 
to  my  sentiments,  the  army  should  continue  in  a 
position  where  they  can  most  effectually  annoy  the 
enemy,  until  it  shall  be  absolutely  necessary,  on  ac 
count  of  the  severity  of  the  weather,  to  quit  the  field. 
That  the  preservation  of  the  army,  by  getting  them 
into  good  winter  quarters,  will  be  of  much  greater 
utility  than  any  small  advantages  which  can  be 
gained  over  the  enemy  by  keeping  the  army  near 
their  lines. 

"  With  regard  to  the  place  proper  for  the  army 
to  take  winter  quarters,  I  must  confess  I  am  more 
inclined  to  join  in  sentiment  with  those  gentlemen 
who  propose  Lancaster  as  the  right  of  the  canton 
ment,  and  Reading  for  the  left,  than  with  those  who 
propose  Wilmington.  My  reasons  are  these :  Wil 
mington,  &c.,  are  so  near  the  enemy,  that  there  is 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  119 

the  greatest  probability  of  their  frequently  alarming 
us ;  consequently  the  end  intended,  that  is,  the  ease 
of  the  army,  will  not  be  answered. 

"  Our  army  will  certainly  diminish  at  least  for  the 
winter  by  a  number  of  soldiers  receiving  permission 
to  return  to  the  different  states  they  came  from, 
which  would  perhaps  enable  the  enemy  to  obtain 
material  advantages  over  us,  especially,  if  it  should 
be  found  necessary,  on  account  of  covering,  to 
quarter  the  men  some  distance  apart. 

"  The  upper  part  of  Pennsylvania  would  be  left 
entirely  at  the  mercy  of  the  enemy,  and  the  com 
munication  with  the  Eastern  States  cut  off. 

"  The  enemy  will  have  it  in  their  po\ver  to  draw 
more  supplies  from  the  Jerseys,  than  it  would  be 
possible  for  them  to  draw  from  the  lower  counties, 
even  if  they  were  entirely  given  up  to  them  ;  for  if 
the  army  lay  at  Wilmington,  one  armed  vessel 
would  be  sufficient  to  prevent  us  from  affording 
any  relief  to  the  Jerseys. 

"  Perhaps  if  your  Excellency  was  to  order  some 
person  to  reconnoitre  the  country  from  Reading  to 
Easton,  it  would  be  found  more  eligible  to  make 
Reading  the  right  of  the  cantonment,  and  Easton 
the  left,  than  any  other  place  proposed,  especially 


120  MEMOIR  OF 

if  the  hint  thrown  out  by  a  gentleman  in  council 
was  adopted,  that  is,  to  erect  huts  for  the  more 
robust,  and  let  the  feeble  be  quartered  in  houses. 

"  In  Reading  the  refugees  from  Philadelphia  are 
less  numerous  than  in  Lancaster  and  Lebanon. 
Reading,  Allentown,  Bethlehem,  and  Easton,  lie  in 
a  direct  line  very  near  the  same  distance  from 
Philadelphia ;  a  few  miles  in  front  of  this  line,  in 
Maxatawny  and  Macungy,  one,  if  not  two  divisions 
may  be  quartered  with  the  utmost  ease,  and  here 
the  troops  would  be  ready  either  to  protect  our 
stores,  or  prevent  any  considerable  ravages  of  the 
country." 

The  leading  ideas  of  this  opinion,  the  giving  up 
the  lower  counties  to  the  enemy  and  taking  a  posi 
tion  in  the  interior  of  Pennsylvania,  were  afterwards 
adopted  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  although  the 
troops  were  concentrated  in  one  encampment, 
which  was  not  thrown  so  far  back  as  the  line  pro 
posed  by  this  letter. 

Although  the  last  council  had  decided  against  an 
attack  upon  Philadelphia,  yet  that  object  was  still 
uppermost  in  the  minds  of  the  civilians.  Accord 
ingly  about  this  time  a  winter  campaign  was  pro 
posed,  the  leading  idea  of  which  was,  an  attack 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  121 

upon  Philadelphia,  with  the  aid  of  a  body  of  rnilitia 
to  be  assembled.  General  Muhlenberg's  written 
reply  was  desired  by  the  Commander-in-chief  upon 
the  next  morning,  and  it  gives  so  correct  a  view 
of  the  then  state  of  things,  that  its  perusal  will  not 
be  uninteresting. 

'•  Camp,  Dec.  4,  1777. 
"  SIR, 

"  Your  Excellency  was  pleased  to  desire  the 
opinion  of  your  general  officers  '  on  the  advisability 
of  a  winter  campaign,  and  practicability  of  an  attack 
upon  Philadelphia,  with  the  aid  of  a  considerable 
body  of  militia,  to  be  assembled  at  an  appointed 
time  and  place.'  I  must  confess  that  to  me  this 
question  seems  so  much  interwoven  with  the  ques 
tion  your  Excellency  was  pleased  to  put  a  few  days 
ago,  that  I  can  hardly  separate  them. 

"  The  main  point  I  conceive  is  still,  whether 
a  winter  campaign  is  practicable ;  if  not,  the  last 
question  falls,  of  course,  unless  the  time  is  the  spring. 
A  winter  campaign  seems  to  me  not  only  unadvisa- 
ble,  on  account  of  our  situation,  but  impracticable, 
at  least  if  I  am  to  judge  of  other  brigades  by  my 
own,  one  single  regiment  of  which  has  turned  out 
11 


122 


MEMOIR  OF 


ninety  men  unfit  for  duty  on  account  of  shoes  and 
other  necessaries.  The  sick  become  numerous, 
and  the  men,  notwithstanding  the  utmost  care  of 
their  officers,  will  be  frost-bitten  and  subject  to 
many  other  disorders,  if  they  are  to  keep  the  field 
until  the  militia  can  be  collected,  which,  if  we  are 
to  judge  from  the  past,  cannot  be  done  in  less  than 
two  months.  In  the  mean  time  it  cannot  be  ex 
pected  that  the  enemy  will  remain  idle.  Their 

works  will  be  continued,  their  vessels,  which  are 

* 
now   before  the  town,  will  not  only  furnish  them 

with  cannon,  but  with  marines  and  sailors  ;  so  that 
in  all  probability  before  the  militia  can  be  collected, 
an  attack  will  be  thought  impracticable  upon  the 
same  grounds,  and  perhaps  with  more  reason,  than 
at  present.  At  the  time  when  this  hint  was  first 
thrown  out  in  council,  I  was  pleased  with  it,  as  there 
seemed  a  probability  of  success ;  but  I  had  no  idea 
that  a  winter  campaign  was  so  closely  connected 
with  the  plan.  This  in  my  opinion  would  prove 
more  fatal  to  the  army  under  your  Excellency's 
command,  than  an  unfortunate  attack  on  the  town. 
I  am  far,  however,  from  thinking  that  the  plan 
ought  to  be  dropped  entirely.  If  the  army  was  to 
go  into  winter  quarters  where  the  men  could  be 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  123 

refreshed  and  clothed,  and  remain  there  until  the 
latter  end  of  March,  the  militia  could  be  collected 
in  the  mean  time ;  then  a  vigorous  attack  could  be 
made  with  a  probability  of  success. 

"  Thus  I  have  given  your  Excellency  my  senti 
ments  on  the  question  proposed,  as  clearly  as  the 
shortness  of  the  time  I  had  for  consideration,  which 
was  only  a  few  minutes  this  morning,  would  permit 
me.  The  utility  of  hearing  a  question  debated  is 
great  at  least  to  a  young  soldier.  Should  the  ques 
tion  be  decided  otherwise,  your  Excellency  may  be 
assured,  that  any  part  entrusted  to  me  shall  be  exe 
cuted  with  the  greatest  cheerfulness. 

"  Your  Excellency's 
"  Most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

"  P.  MUHLENBERG." 

The  opinions  of  the  officers  were,  however,  un 
favourable  to  the  feasibility  of  the  plan,  and  the 
scheme  was  dropped.  The  army  now  prepared  to 
go  into  winter  quarters. 

General  Washington  upon  his  own  responsibility 
had  selected  Valley  Forge  as  the  ground  for  the 
cantonment  of  the  troops,  a  position  which  secured 
their  stores  and  prevented  the  enemy  from  ravaging 


124  MEMOIR  OF 

the  country.  Accordingly,  in  December  the  army 
encamped  here,  erecting  huts  for  the  whole  force. 
The  brigades  were  arranged  in  a  semicircle  along 
the  bank  of  the  Schuylkill  immediately  below  the 
Valley  Creek,  that  commanded  by  Muhlenberg 
being  upon  the  river's  bank,  and  consequently  the 
nearest  towards  the  enemy.  Being  most  exposed, 
it  had  charge  of  some  small  redoubts,  erected  for 
the  security  of  the  position. 

General  Muhlenberg  accompanied  the  army  into 
winter  quarters,  and  remained  with  them  during 
the  whole  of  that  terrible  season.  Of  the  privations 
there  endured  it  is  unnecessary  to  speak ;  they  are 
a  matter  of  history  and  were  common  to  the  whole 
army. 

Whilst  the  Continental  forces  remained  here,  how 
ever,  he  several  times  narrowly  escaped  being  cap 
tured  by  scouting  parties  of  the  enemy.  His  father 
still  resided  at  the  Trappe,  but  a  few  miles  distant, 
and  he  was  in  the  habit  of  occasionally  riding  there 
from  camp  in  the  evening,  and  returning  early  the 
next  morning.  This  place  was  often  approached  by 
the  enemy's  light  cavalry,  and  accordingly  great 
precautions  were  taken  by  the  family  to  prevent  his 
presence  being  known.  Blankets  were  hung  before 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  125 

the  windows  and  doors,  to  prevent  his  being  seen 
by  any  lurking  spies,  and  his  presence  was  carefully 
concealed  from  all  suspicious  persons.  He  himself 
would  never  undress  or  allow  his  horse  to  be  un 
saddled.  Presuming  upon  the  probability  of  his 
visiting  his  aged  father,  repeated  attempts  were 
made  to  capture  him,  and  upon  one  occasion  he 
was  only  saved  by  the  fleetness  of  his  horse.53 

Another  anecdote53  is  told  of  him,  which  shows 
not  only  the  influence  of  his  early  education,  but 
also  how  correct  was  his  appreciation  of  the  bully 
ing,  swearing  class  of  soldiers  then  so  common.  It 
is  as  follows.  Upon  some  occasion,  whilst  the  army 
was  at  Valley  Forge,  the  American  outposts  had 
had  a  brush  with  the  enemy,  in  which  the  former 
were  defeated,  and  rumour  had  magnified  the  affair 
into  a  serious  disaster.  On  the  reception  of  the 
news,  the  General,  then  at  the  Trappe,  was  taunted 
by  an  exulting  Tory  with  "  Well,  General !  have  you 
heard  the  news?  What  do  you  think  of  your  army 
now  ?"  "Ah  !"  was  the  reply,  "  that  is  nothing — 
it  was  only  some  of  our  God-damn-me  and  damn- 
my-eyes  fellows ;  when  our  real  soldiers  come  into 
action,  you  will  hear  a  different  account."  The 
future  proved  the  truth  of  his  remark. 
11* 


126  MEMOIR  OF 

About  this  time  the  dispute  as  to  the  rank  of  the 
general  officers  of  the  Virginia  line,  before  referred 
to,  took  place.  It  was  the  source  of  much  trouble 
to  General  Muhlenberg,  and  induced  him  to  tender 
his  resignation  to  the  Commander-in-chief.  A 
perusal  of  the  portion  of  the  correspondence  which 
the  limits  of  this  sketch  permit  to  be  given,  will 
beyond  all  doubt  convince  the  reader  that  General 
Muhlenberg  was  hardly  dealt  by ;  but  the  spirit  of 
self-sacrifice  and  devotion  to  the  great  cause  which 
the  occurrence  proved  him  to  possess,  only  served 
to  place  his  character  in  a  brighter  light.  Although 
only  of  personal  interest,  the  result  of  this  dispute 
was  of  such  importance  to  him  that  its  explanation 
is  indispensably  necessary. 

The  following  brief  statement  of  facts  will  be 
sufficient  for  the  full  comprehension  of  the  dispute. 
It  is  extracted  from  the  "  case"51  laid  before  the 
board  of  officers  called  to  consider  the  claim  made 
by  General  Woodford,  which  board  was  composed 
of  all  the  major  and  brigadier  generals  of  the  army. 
It  must  be  premised,  however,  that  this  claim  was 
not  made  until  a  year  had  elapsed  after  their  pro 
motion;  that  during  all  this  time  General  Woodford 
acquiesced  in  the  superior  rank  of  General  Muh- 


GENERAL  MUI1LENBERG.  127 

lenberg,  served  under  his  command,  and  had  even 
at  the  time  of  his  promotion  addressed  a  letter55  to 
General  Weedon,  (who  was  confessedly  inferior  in 
rank  to  General  Muhlenberg,)  congratulating  him 
on  his  elevation,  and  stating  that  he  would  be 
happy  and  willing  to  serve  under  his  command. 

In  July,  1775,  Woodford  was  appointed  colonel 
of  the  second  Virginia  state  regiment.  On  the 
13th  of  February,  1776,  he  was  appointed  colonel 
of  the  second  Continental  regiment,  and  Muhlen 
berg  of  the  eighth  ;  Scott,  lieutenant-colonel  of  the 
second,  and  Weedon  of  the  third.  On  the  9th  of 
June,  Scott  was  appointed  colonel  of  the  fifth,  and 
Weedon  of  the  third,  the  former  ranking  above  the 
latter.  On  the  3d  of  September,  Colonel  Woodford 
resigned  his  commission,  because  Colonel  Stephen 
was  promoted  over  his  head.  On  the  21st  of  Feb 
ruary,  1777,  Muhlenberg,  Weedon,  and  Woodford, 
were  appointed  brigadier-generals,  Congress  ex 
pressly  declaring  that  they  should  rank  as  above 
named.  On  the  1st  of  April,  Scott  was  appointed 
a  brigadier-general.  On  the  19th  of  August,  Con 
gress  determined  the  principle,  that  in  all  promo 
tions,  the  relative  rank  of  officers  promoted  should 
be  determined  bv  the  date  of  the  commissions  held 


128  MEMOIR  OF 

by  them  at  the  time  of  their  promotion,  which 
principle  was  confirmed  by  a  resolution  of  the  12th 
of  November;  and  on  the  29th  of  the  same  month, 
Congress  declared  that  the  rank  of  Generals  Arnold, 
Woodford,  and  Scott,  should  be  settled  agreeably 
to  this  principle.  All  these  resolutions  concurred 
in  making  General  Muhlenberg  the  senior  officer 
of  the  Virginia  line;  but  backed  by  strong  Con 
gressional  influence,  General  Woodford  claimed 
that  rank,  because  before  his  resignation  he  was 
the  eldest  colonel ;  to  which  resignation  he  was 
compelled  by  the  injustice  done  him.  To  this 
claim  Generals  Muhlenberg  and  Weedon  objected ; 
Scott  claimed  to  rank  Weedon,  because  he  did  so 
when  colonel;  to  this  Weedon  objected,  because 
he  was  made  a  brigadier  two  months  before  Scott. 

Perhaps  the  reason  of  this  sudden  claim  on  the 
part  of  General  Woodford  arose  from  the  fact  that 
the  senior  brigadier  of  the  Virginia  line  would  in 
all  probability  be  promoted  to  the  commission 
made  vacant  by  the  disgrace  of  Major-General 
Stephen. 

The  board  of  general  officers  met  at  Lord  Stir 
ling's  quarters  on  the  2d  of  March,  and  by  a 
majority  of  a  single  vote  decided  in  favour  of 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  129 

General  Woodford,  referring,  however,  the  final 
decision  of  the  matter  to  Congress.  General  Muh- 
lenberg  was  not  heard  before  this  board,  although 
his  opponent  enjoyed  that  advantage.  He  then 
addressed  the  following  letter  to  Congress. 

"Camp,  March  7th,  1778. 
"  GENTLEMEN, 

"  The  board  of  general  officers  appointed  to 
settle  the  rank  of  Generals  Woodford,  Weedon, 
Scott,  and  myself,  having  referred  the  final  deter 
mination  to  the  honourable  the  Congress,  I  beg 
leave  to  mention  a  few  particulars  on  that  subject ; 
and  as  General  Woodford  has  already  stated  the 
case,  I  shall  be  as  concise  as  possible. 

"  At  the  time  when  General  Woodford  resigned 
his  commission  as  colonel,  he  ranked  as  the  first 
colonel  in  the  Virginia  line,  myself  as  the  fourth; 
but  by  the  resignation  of  Colonel  Woodford  and 
others,  and  by  the  disgrace  of  Colonel  Buckner, 
1  became  first.  Thus  we  stood  on  the  21st  of 
February,  1777,  when  Weedon,  Woodford,  and 
myself  were  appointed  brigadiers. 

"  When  Colonel  Woodford  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  brigadier,  it  was  not  on  account  of  his 


130  MEMOIR  OF 

former  standing  in  the  army  as  senior  colonel,  but 
merely  as  a  favour  for  former  services  done. 

"  This  appears  plainly  by  the  resolves  of  Con 
gress  at  and  subsequent  to  his  promotion,  and  in 
this  light  I  always  presumed  General  Woodford 
viewed  it  himself,  as  he  never  claimed  precedence 
over  Weedon  and  myself  until  almost  twelve  months 
after  his  promotion. 

"  The  commission  I  received  from  the  honourable 
Congress  as  oldest  brigadier  in  the  Virginia  line  was 
unsought  for  and  unsolicited.  This  commission 
mentions  in  a  particular  manner  that  I  am  to  have 
precedence  of  General  Woodford;  and  this  com 
mission  is  moreover  supported  by  two  resolves  of 
Congress,  enough  in  all  conscience  to  make  it  as 
the  laws  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  irrevocable ; 
in  short,  Congress  have  been  pleased  to  honour 
me  with  a  commission  of  importance ;  I  have 
endeavoured  to  render  myself  worthy  of  it,  by 
serving  my  country  to  the  utmost  of  my  abilities, 
nor  am  I  conscious  of  having,  by  any  part  of  my 
conduct  while  in  the  army,  rendered  myself  un 
worthy  of  the  trust  reposed  in  me,  or  of  remaining 
in  the  service  of  my  country,  which  in  point  of 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  131 

honour  I  can  only  do  in  that  post  to  which  by  my 
commission  I  am  entitled. 

"  I  am,  gentlemen,  with  much  respect, 

"  Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"  P.  MUHLENBERG. 

"  To  the  Honourable  the 
Committee  of  Congress, 
At  Moorhall." 

The  following   letters56    upon    the    subject,   also 
passed  between  himself  and  General  Washington. 


"April  ]0th,  1778. 
"  Sm, 

"  Colonel  Meade  was  with  me  this  morning, 
desiring  me  to  give  your  Excellency  a  final  answer, 
in  what  manner  I  intended  to  act  with  regard  to 
the  dispute  between  Generals  Woodford,  Weedon, 
and  myself.  Though  I  have  had  time  enough  to 
consider  of  it,  I  have  still  put  it  off,  as  I  expected 
nothing  would  be  done  in  the  matter  until  General 
Weedon's  return. 

"  This  affair  has  been  often  canvassed  within 
my  hearing  by  the  officers  of  the  army,  and  I 


132  MEMOIR  OF 

find  the  generality  of  them  are  of  opinion  that  the 
change  would  have  taken  place  if  General  Wood- 
ford  had  had  no  claims,  as  Congress  were  deter 
mined  to  put  him  in  a  post  where  he  might  have 
the  first  chance  of  promotion.  I  must  confess, 
that  neither  honour  nor  ambition  were  the  leading 
principles  which  actuated  me  when  I  entered  the 
service,  neither  shall  they  be  the  cause  of  my 
quitting  it  at  present.  But  your  Excellency  will 
acknowledge  that  much  depends  on  opinion,  and 
whenever  an  officer  disgraces  himself  in  the  opinion 
of  his  brother  officers  of  inferior  rank,  his  influence 
and  authority  become  despicable.  Fond  as  I  should 
be  of  continuing  in  the  service  of  my  country,  I  do 
not  think  I  could  do  it  with  propriety,  unless  some 
reasons  were  given  for  the  change.  This  would 
justify  me  to  my  friends,  and  to  the  army  in 
general,  for  I  cannot,  help  thinking  that  something 
more  is  required  for  our  meridian,  than  barely  to 
'  call  in  and  cancel.' 

"  Your  Excellency  will,  I  hope,  pardon  me  for 
writing  my  sentiments  so  freely  ;  but  should  your 
Excellency  be  of  opinion  that  I  have  not  been 
injured,  and  can  serve  with  propriety,  I  shall 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  133 

always  think  myself  happy  in  obeying  your  Excel 
lency's  commands. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  P.  MUHLENBERG. 
"  To  General  Washington." 

To  this  letter  the  Commander-in-chief  imme 
diately  replied  as  follows : 

"  Head-quarters,  April  10,  1778. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"In  answer  to  yours  of  this  morning,  I  have  only 
to  say,  that  the  matter  respecting  your  rank  and 
that  of  Generals  Woodford,  Weedon,  and  Scott, 
has  been  fully  discussed  at  several  times  by  Con 
gress,  the  committees'  of  Congress,  and  a  board  of 
general  officers,  whose  opinions  all  seemed  to  cor 
respond. 

"  This  contradicts  the  report  that  Congress  were 
at  all  events  determined  to  give  a  preference  to 
General  Woodford,  as  it  appears  to  me  that  their 
determination  was  founded  upon  the  proceedings 
of  the  general  officers.  Their  report  was  short, 
12 


134  MEMOIR  OF 

because  they  had  papers  before  them  which  fully 
evinced  that  the  respective  claims  had  been  duly 
considered,  and  there  was  therefore  no  need  of  re 
capitulating  all  that  had  passed.  You  know  my 
opinion,  which  has  been  given  in  a  conversation 
between  us. 

"  I  cannot  judge  of  the  feelings  of  others,  but  my 
own  should  generally  be  regulated  by  the  opinions 
of  a  set  of  gentlemen  who  I  conceive  have  been 
actuated  by  the  purest  principles  of  impartiality 
and  justice ;  and  I  do  not  think  that  any  officer 
will  look  upon  a  submission  to  their  decision  as  dis 
honourable.  I  would  not  be  thought  to  press  you 
to  a  hasty  decision  upon  this  matter;  but  when  you 
consider  that  \ve  are  upon  the  verge  of  the  cam 
paign,  you  will  think  with  me  that  no  time  is  to  be 
lo^t ;  because  if  a  successor  should  be  necessary, 
he  will  scarcely  have  time  to  be  acquainted  with 
the  brigade  before  they  are  called  to  action. 

"  Yours,  &c., 

"  G.  WASHINGTON." 
"To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg." 

The  resolution57  which  passed  Congress,  directed 
General  Washington  "  to  call  in  and  cancel  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  135 

commissions  of  Generals  Muhlenberg,  Weedon, 
Wood  ford,  and  Scott,  and  issue  new  ones  in  the 
following  order: — Woodford,  Muhlenberg,  Scott, 
and  Weedon/'  Upon  this,  General  Weedon,  who 
was  an  excellent  officer,  resigned ;  and  after  the 
receipt  of  the  above  letter,  General  Muhlenberg 
waited  on  the  Commander-in-chief  to  ask  his  per 
mission  to  do  the  same.  Washington  was,  how 
ever,  unwilling  to  part  with  him,  and  he  consented 
to  remain  until  he  could  leave  without  prejudice  to 
the  service.  This  not  only  shows  the  value  Wash 
ington  set  on  his  services,  but  also  the  purity  of  the 
motives  which  led  General  Muhlenberg  into  the 
army ;  for  at  this  time  the  pay  of  an  officer  was 
insufficient  even  to  clothe  him ;  no  future  provision 
had  been  made  for  them ;  and  when  officers  were 
resigning  by  hundreds,  to  remain  in  the  army  after 
so  great  an  act  of  injustice  had  been  done  him, 
showed  a  degree  of  patriotism  rarely  found. 

This  dispute  remained  undecided  until  April, 
1779,  when  General  Muhlenberg  presented  the  fol 
lowing  memorial  to  Congress.  Its  clear  statement 
of  the  points  at  issue,  and  the  modest  sketch  of  his 
own  conduct,  will  perhaps  not  prove  uninteresting. 


130  MEMOl  11  OF 

"  SIR, — 

"I  have  endeavoured  to  state  my  claim,  and  give 
my  reasons  why  I  ought  to  rank  before  General 
Woodford,  but  cannot  be  so  particular  as  I  could 
wish,  as  I  have  left  all  my  papers  relative  thereto 
in  camp.  I  shall  therefore  only  trouble  you  with 
the  most  material  points.  General  Woodford  was 
appointed  colonel  of  a  regiment  in  1775:  I  was  ap 
pointed  in  1776;  so  that  General  Woodford  at  that 
time  was  my  superior  officer.  Some  time  in  1776, 
Colonels  Stephen  and  Mercer,  who  were  younger 
colonels  than  Woodford,  were  appointed  brigadiers, 
which  occasioned  General  Woodford  to  resign,  as 
thinking  himself  neglected.  Colonel  Buckner  being 
broke  for  misconduct,  I  became  the  oldest  colonel 
in  the  Virginia  line,  and  was  appointed  a  brigadier 
on  the  21st  of  February,  1777,  together  with  Gene 
rals  Weedon  and  Woodford.  My  rank  as  the  first 
brigadier  in  the  Virginia  line  was  established  by 
three  different  resolves  of  Congress.  I  was  com 
missioned  and  acknowledged  as  such  during  the 
campaign  of  1777,  and  for  some  months  after,  until 
General  Woodford,  in  March,  1778,  obtained  a 
special  resolve  of  Congress,  by  which  1  was  super 
seded,  and  he  was  ordered  to  take  rank  of  me. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  137 

"  There  was  indeed  a  board  of  general  officers 
called  to  settle  the  dispute  subsisting  between  us. 
General  Woodford  gave  in  his  claim,  but  I  was  not 
called  upon,  so  that  unless  they  had  a  spirit  of 
divination,  they  could  not  know  what  I  had  to  offer 
in  my  own  behalf.  There  were  at  this  time  but 
few  general  officers  in  camp,  some  of  whom  having 
heard  only  one  part  of  the  story,  were  prepossessed 
against  me,  and  gave  their  opinion  in  favour  of 
General  Woodford  before  they  were  called  upon  to 
decide  the  matter.  Nevertheless,  there  was  but  a 
majority  of  one  who  gave  it  in  favour  of  General 
Woodford. 

"  When  the  honourable  the  Congress  were  pleased 
to  pass  the  last  resolve  in  favour  of  General  Wood- 
ford,  I  waited  on  his  Excellency  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  and  requested  his  permission  to  resign;  but 
as  the  campaign  wns  just  opening,  and  finding  his 
Excellency  unwilling  to  spare  me  at  that  time,  I 
promised  to  continue  until  I  could  retire  without 
prejudice  to  the  service,  or  until  the  end  of  the 
campaign. 

"At  the  conclusion  of  the  last  campaign,  I  found 
it  impracticable  to  quit  the  army,  as  I  was  the  only 
12* 


138  MEMOHl  OF 

general  officer  of  the  Virginia  line  then  in  camp, 
and  therefore  could  not  be  spared. 

"  I  have  hitherto  retained  the  commission  I  first 
received  as  brigadier,  which  gave  me  rank  of 
General  Woodford,  and  cannot  in  justice  to  myself 
accept  an  inferior  one,  unless  it  can  be  done  in  a 
manner  that  will  give  no  occasion  for  thinking  I 
was  superseded  for  misconduct.  However,  as  Con 
gress  have  been  pleased  to  fix  certain  principles  for 
the  arrangement  of  the  army,  one  of  which  is  "that 
resignations  shall  exclude  all  pretensions  to  former 
rank,"  I  cannot  think  I  shall  be  the  only  exception. 

"General  Woodford  claims  rank  from  having 
been  appointed  a  colonel  before  me ;  but  when  he 
was  appointed  a  brigadier,  he  was  taken  from  the 
body  of  the  people  at  large,  and  had  no  connexion 
with  the  army.  He  had  resigned  nine  months  be 
fore,  so  that  I  have  served  longer  as  a  colonel  than 
General  Woodford ;  and  during  the  time  he  re 
mained  at  home,  I  made  a  distressing  campaign  in 
{South  Carolina  and  Georgia. 

"  This,  sir,  I  believe  will  be  sufficient  to  show 
the  ground  I  claim  upon.  I  should  perhaps  have 
given  in  my  claim  sooner,  but  the  General  has 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  130 

been  so  much  distressed  with  disputes  of  this  kind, 
that  I  was  loth  to  trouble  him. 

"  I  shall  be  happy  if  the  matter  can  be  settled 
without  troubling  his  Excellency  further. 

"  I  am,  sir, 

"With  respect  and  esteem, 
"  Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"  P.  MUHLENBERG. 
u  Hon.  Thomas  Adams,  and  other 

Members  of  Congress   for  the 
State  of  Virginia,  Philadelphia." 

This  ably  penned  letter  was  referred  to  the  Board 
of  War,  who  reported,  that  "as  the  memorialist, 
with  a  becoming  zeal  for  the  service,  would  be 
satisfied  with  an  explanation  of  the  resolution  of 
Congress  passed  the  19th  of  March,  1778,"  that 
they  therefore  recommended  the  passage  of  a  reso 
lution68  stating  "  That  the  arrangement  then  made 
was  founded  upon  principles  not  affecting  the  per 
sonal  characters  or  comparative  merits  of  those 
officers."  This  resolution  was  passed  unanimously; 
and  although  General  Muhlenberg  had  undoubtedly 
been  deprived  of  his  just  rank,  yet  actuated  by 
motives  of  patriotism,  and  disinclined  to  give 
further  trouble  to  General  Washington,  he  ac- 


140  MEMOIR  OF 

quiesced  in  this  settlement  of  this  long-disputed 
question.  General  Weedon,  also,  who  had  retired 
from  the  service,  returned  to  it  again  in  the  year 
1780. 

The  justice  of  General  Muhlenberg's  claim  seems 
to  have  been  generally  admitted,  except  of  course 
by  the  peculiar  friends  of  General  Wood  ford.  The 
following  extract  of  a  letter  from  Patrick  Henry  to 
General  Muhlenberg,  dated  Sept.  6,  1778,  is  selected 
from  many  others ;  for,  as  the  executive  of  Virginia, 
it  is  natural  to  suppose  that  he  had  thoroughly  ex 
amined  the  dispute  existing  between  the  two  highest 
officers  in  the  line  of  that  state.  "Let  me  take  the 
liberty  just  to  hint,  that  I  think  a  resignation  now 
might  defeat  a  claim  which  otherwise,  I  trust,  will 
be  approved  by  every  one." 

Thus  ended  this  dispute,  which  was  most  annoy 
ing  to  General  Muhlenberg  personally,  but  its  oc 
currence  cannot  be  regretted,  since  it  established 
beyond  all  doubt,  the  purity  and  sincerity  of  the 
motives  by  which  he  was  actuated. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  141 


CHAPTER  V. 

Opening  of  the  Campaign  of  1778 — Plans  of  Operation  proposed 
— General  Muhlenberg's  Opinion — Rejoicings  at  Valley  Forge 
— Council  of  War — Opinion  on  the  Propriety  of  a  General 
Action — Evacuation  of  Philadelphia — Council  of  War — Battle 
of  Monmouth — Position  of  his  Brigade — Attack  upon  Greene's 
Division — Conduct  in  the  Action — Army -at  the  White  Plains 
—  Reorganization  of  Brigades  —  Muhlenberg  advanced  to 
King's  Bridge — Proposed  March  to  the  Eastward — His  Opinion 
— Selection  of  Winter  Quarters — Application  for  Leave  of  Ab 
sence — Washington's  Reply — Assigned  the  Command  of  a  Di 
vision — Dinner  to  General  Putnam — March  to  Middlebrook — 
Sudden  Return — Gaiety  at  Middlebrook — Preparations  for  the 
Campaign — March  of  the  Army  to  the  Highlands — Attack 
upon  Stony  Point — Arrangement  of  the  Virginia  Line — Order 
ed  to  the  South  with  his  Command — Destination  Changed — 
Directed  to  assume  the  chief  command  in  Virginia. 

THE  campaign  of  1778  was  now  about  opening, 
its  commencement  having  been  delayed  thus  long 
by  the  severity  of  the  weather,  and  the  condition  of 
both  armies.  General  Muhlenberg  was  at  this  time 


142  MEMOIR  OF 

with  the  main  army,  having  remained  at  Valley 
Forge  during  the  whole  winter,  with  the  exception 
of  an  absence  of  a  few  weeks  in  Virginia,  during 
the  month  of  February.  He  had  gone  thither  to 
arrange  his  private  affairs,  this  being  the  first  leave 
of  absence  given  him  since  his  entry  into  the  ser 
vice  ;  but  hearing  of  the  probable  result  of  his  dis 
pute  with  General  Woodford,  he  had  returned  with 
out  accomplishing  his  object,  not  intending  to  retain 
his  commission.  The  reasons  which  induced  a 
change  of  purpose  have  already  been  stated. 

In  the  latter  part  of  April,  before  the  determina 
tion  of  the  enemy  to  evacuate  Philadelphia  was 
suspected,  three  plans59  of  operation  were  under 
the  consideration  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  One 
was  the  remaining  quiet  in  a  fortified  camp,  another 
an  attack  upon  Philadelphia,  and  the  third  the  cap 
ture  of  New  York,  either  by  a  coup-de-main,  or  by 
regular  approaches.  The  opinions  of  the  general 
officers  were  as  usual  desired  upon  these  points, 
and  the  following  extracts  from  General  Muhlen- 
berg's  letter  will  perhaps  prove  interesting,  as  show 
ing  the  correctness  of  his  judgment,  and  especially 
that  his  zeal  for  the  service  had  not  been  cooled  by 
the  wound  given  to  his  military  pride. 


GEiNERAL  MUHLENBERG.  143 

"  Agreeably  to  your  Excellency's  requisition,  I 
have  investigated  the  proposition,  and  endeavoured 
to  form  my  opinion  with  regard  to  the  three  gene 
ral  plans  of  operation  proposed  for  the  ensuing  cam 
paign.  I  shall  begin  with  the  last  plan  proposed, 
1  the  remaining  quiet  in  a  secure  fortified  camp, 
disciplining  and  arranging  the  army  until  the  enemy 
begin  their  operations,  and  then  to  govern  ourselves 
accordingly.' 

"  This,  in  my  humble  opinion,  would  be  by  far 
the  least  eligible  plan  of  the  three.  I  do  not  think 
there  has  been  a  time  since  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  in  which  it  \vas  so  necessary  to  make 
some  spirited  effort  as  it  will  be  at  the  opening  of 
this  campaign  ;  and  should  the  main  army  under 
your  Excellency's  command  remain  inactive,  it 
would  add  much  to  the  almost  universal  languor 
which  at  this  time  too  much  prevails  throughout 
the  continent.  The  only  real  good  we  could  reap 
from  this  plan  would  be  the  arranging  and  disci 
plining  the  army,  which,  though  great  in  itself  and 
obvious  to  the  discerning  few,  is  not  of  that  splendid 
kind  which  the  people  in  general  wish  and  look  for, 
and  which  is  so  necessary  in  our  present  situation, 
to  keep  the  bulk  of  our  people  together.  Success 


144  MEMOIR  OF 

alone,  in  consequence  of  this  plan,  could  justify  the 
measure  to  the  country  and  posterity ;  but  Fortune 
is  a  jilt. 

"Secondly,  '  the  attempt  to  recover  Philadelphia, 
and  destroy  the  enemy's  army  there.' 

"  This,  if  it  could  be  effected,  would  terminate 
the  dispute,  and  establish  the  independence  of  Ame 
rica.  The  solid  advantages  that  would  accrue  to 
America  from  the  execution  of  this  plan  would 
justify  the  risk,  and  compensate  for  the  loss  we 
should  probably  sustain  in  its  execution.  If  the 
enemy's  force  consists  of  ten  thousand  men  be 
sides  seamen  and  marines,  they  will  be  able  to 
man  their  works  fully,  and  as  a  measure  of  this 
kind  cannot  be  carried  into  execution  without  the 
enemy's  perceiving  our  intention  for  some  time 
before  the  plan  is  ripe,  they  will  have  time  to  com 
plete  their  system  of  defence,  and  effectually  pre 
vent  the  carrying  it  by  storm,  or  perhaps  by  a 
regular  siege  with  any  number  of  men  we  shall  be 
able  to  bring  against  them  ;  so  that  the  only  method 
in  my  opinion  would  be  to  reduce  the  city  by 
blockade.  To  effect  this,  twenty-five  thousand  men 
at  least  will  be  required  on  this  side  of  the  Dela 
ware,  fifteen  thousand  of  these  to  take  post  as  near 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  145 

the  city  as  possible,  extending  their  line  from  Dela 
ware  to  Schuylkill,  with  sufficient  works  to  prevent 
the  enemy  from  making  an  impression  on,  or  sur 
prising  the  line.  The  remaining  ten  thousand  to 
be  posted  on  this  side  of  Schuylkill,  their  camp  to 
be  fortified,  and,  if  possible  (as  I  think  it  is),  to  ex 
tend  to  Delaware  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  re 
ceiving  supplies  through  that  channel.  The  whole 
militia  of  the  Jerseys  to  occupy  the  Jersey  shore 
opposite  the  city  and  as  low  as  Billingsport. 

"  The  last  plan  proposed,  '  the  endeavouring  to 
transfer  the  war  to  the  northward  by  an  enterprise 
against  New  York'  is,  I  must  confess,  my  favourite. 
If  nothing  was  gained  by  the  enterprise  but  trans 
ferring  the  \var  to  the  northward,  the  advantage 
would  be  great,  as  the  country  is  so  much  better 
calculated  not  only  for  supplying  the  army,  but  we 
should  be  in  the  neighbourhood  of  states  where  the 
militia  would  be  ready  and  willing  to  turn  out  on 
any  emergency  to  join  the  grand  army, — a  militia 
well  affected,  well  armed  and  to  be  depended  on; 
and  there  is  also  the  greatest  probability  that  New 
York  will  fall  into  our  hands.  The  enemy  in  their 
present  situation  cannot  maintain  both  cities;  if  they 
send  strong  reinforcements  from  Philadelphia,  that 
13 


140  MEMOIR  OF 

city  must  iall ;  if  they  keep  their  force  together  in 
Philadelphia,  New  York  must  fall.  Another  reason 
that  weighs  forcibly  with  me  is,  that  we  shall  in  a 
little  time  have  all  the  succours  we  can  expect  from 
the  southward,  so  that  our  expectation  of  assistance 
from  that  quarter  to  carry  on  an  expedition  against 
Philadelphia  will  be  small.  An  enterprise  against 
New  York  is,  as  I  have  heard,  a  favourite  scheme 
with  the  Eastern  States,  and  New  England  would 
pour  forth  her  thousands  to  carry  the  plan  into  exe 
cution.  Twenty  thousand  men  would  be  necessary 
to  invest  the  place,  and  we  should  then  be  able  to 
carry  it  even  if  the  enemy  should  reinforce  the 
garrison  before  we  could  get  into  the  city;  but  how 
these  men  are  to  be  disposed  of,  I  shall  not  pretend 
to  say,  as  I  am  only  acquainted  with  the  situation 
of  the  place  from  the  map. 

"  To  cover  and  protect  this  state,  an  army  of 
observation,  consisting  of  seven  or  eight  thousand 
men,  besides  the  militia  of  the  state,  should  be  left  to 
watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy  in  Philadelphia, 
and  to  make  an  attempt  on  the  city  in  case  the 
enemy  should  send  considerable  reinforcements  to 
the  relief  of  New  York.  Our  military  and  other 
stores  should  be  removed  to  the  other  side  of  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  147 

Susquehanna,  to  prevent  a  possibility  of  their  being 
destroyed  by  the  enemy. 

"  If  this  plan  is  adopted,  every  measure  should  be 
taken  to  induce  the  enemy  to  believe  that  our  prin 
cipal  force  is  intended  to  act  against  Philadelphia, 
and  no  part  of  the  army  move  towards  New  York 
until  everything  is  ready  for  the  enterprise;  for, 
should  the  enemy  be  deceived  by  appearances, 
before  they  could  reinforce  New  York,  the  place 
might  be  carried  by  a  coup-de-main,  and  their 
valuable  stores  fall  into  our  hands." 

Early  in  May,  great  rejoicings  took  place  at 
Valley  Forge,  on  the  reception  of  the  news  of  the 
French  alliance.60  The  quaint  style  of  the  order 
given  on  the  occasion  would  be  interesting  to  the 
curious,  but  the  limits  of  this  work  forbid  its  being 
transferred  to  these  pages.  The  whole  army  was 
drawn  up  in  two  lines,  and  after  firing  a  feu-de- 
joie,  on  a  signal  given,  it  was  ordered  to  "Huzza, 
long  live  the  King  of  France !"  then  another  fire 
and  the  cry  of  "  Huzza,  and  long  live  the  friendly 
European  powers!"  and  finally  a  discharge  of  can 
non  and  a  "  Huzza  to  the  American  States  !"  Such 
a  demonstration  in  this  day  would  be  thought 
strange  enough. 


148  MEMOIR  OF 

On  the  28th  of  this  month,  General  Lee  assumed 
the  command  of  the  division  composed  of  Muhlen- 
berg's  and  Scott's  brigades,  in  the  place  of  General 
Greene,  who  had  been  appointed  Quartermaster- 
General,  and  the  second  Virginia  state  regiment 
was  added  to  the  former  brigade,  thus  completing 
its  numbers  and  placing  it  in  a  high  state  of  effi 
ciency. 

The  enemy  had  now  sufficiently  developed  their 
intention  of  evacuating  Philadelphia,  to  enable 
General  Washington  to  proceed  with  some  reason 
able  certainty  upon  this  hypothesis,  and  the  proposed 
attack  upon  New  York  was  therefore  abandoned. 
A  council  of  war  was  held  on  the  17th  of  June,  to 
decide  upon  the  course  proper  for  the  American 
army  to  pursue,  the  principal  questions  put  to  them 
being,  whether  an  attack  should  be  made  on  Phila 
delphia,  and  whether  the  enemy's  retreat  should  be 
impeded  by  a  general  or  partial  engagement.  These 
queries  were  prefaced  by  a  statement  of  the  re 
spective  force  of  the  two  armies,  which  was  repre 
sented  by  the  Commander-in-chief  to  be  as  follows. 
The  British  in  and  about  Philadelphia  were  esti 
mated  at  about  ten  thousand  men  fit  for  duty; 
whilst  the  Americans  at  Valley  Forge  numbered 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  H9 

about  twelve  thousand  five  hundred  effectives,  of 
whom  eleven  thousand  would  be  able  to  march  oft' 
the  ground,  leaving  behind  them  nearly  five  thou 
sand  sick.  Further,  that  when  the  two  armies  were 
concentrated  about  New  York,  the  enemy  would 
be  from  fourteen  to  fifteen  thousand  strong,  whilst 
the  Americans  would  have  nearly  fourteen  thousand 
Continentals  fit  for  service.61 

The  expression  against  an  attack  upon  Philadel 
phia  was  unanimous;  but  on  the  other  question, 
considerable  difference  of  opinion  ensued  in  the 
council.  Of  sixteen  general  officers  present,  Gene 
ral  Wayne  was  the  only  one  who  was  in  favour  of 
a  general  attack,  Lafayette  inclining  to  that  opinion 
without  openly  embracing  it.  General  Greene  was 
inclined  to  take  a  middle  course,  being  in  favour  of 
an  engagement  if  necessary  to  protect  the  country ; 
and  in  this  opinion  he  was  supported  by  General 
Muhlenberg,  who  in  his  letter  uses  the  following 
language. 

"If  the  enemy  should  attempt  to  pass  through 
the  Jerseys  to  New  York,  they  are  so  well  prepared, 
and  the  obstructions  the  militia  will  be  able  to 
throw  in  their  way  so  trifling,  that  this  army  will 
not  be  able  to  overtake  them  before  they  reach  the 
13* 


150  MEMOIR  OF 

place  of  their  destination.  Should  this  be  the  case, 
it  would  be  necessary  to  march  immediately  to 
secure  the  important  posts  on  the  North  River. 
But  should  the  enemy,  instead  of  marching  through 
the  Jerseys,  endeavour  to  establish  themselves,  and 
get  a  permanent  footing  in  that  state,  it  would  then 
become  necessary  to  risk  even  a  general  action,  if 
a  favourable  opportunity  offered,  as  the  destruction 
of  that  state  would  be  productive  of  worse  conse 
quences  to  the  United  States  than  a  partial  defeat 
of  this  army." 

These  views,  however,  did  not  prevail ;  all  the 
other  officers  deciding  that  no  attack,  either  partial 
or  general,  should  be  made.  Lee,  Steuben,  and 
Du  Portail  were  warmly  of  this  opinion ;  and  the 
influence  of  these  experienced  European  officers 
most  probably  brought  about  this  decision  of  the 
council. 

On  the  18th  of  June,  the  British  evacuated  Phila 
delphia,  directing  their  march  across  the  Jerseys  to 
New  York.  The  former  city  had  proved  a  second 
Capua  to  Sir  William  Howe's  army.  He  had 
landed  the  preceding  fall  fully  eighteen  thousand 
men  at  the  head  of  Elk,  and  certainly  not  more 
than  eleven  thousand  marched  out  of  the  city. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  151 

Their  loss  in  battle  had  been  small,  and  their  com 
fortable  quarters  had  kept  the  army  unusually 
healthy;  so  that  this  terrible  diminution  can  be 
only  accounted  for  by  the  spirit  of  desertion,  which, 
among  the  Hessians  especially,  prevailed  to  a  very 
great  degree.  On  the  day  following,  the  American 
army  broke  up  its  cantonments  at  Valley  Forge, 
and  moved  towards  Coryell's  Ferry,  General  Lee 
with  his  division  and  three  other  brigades  moving 
in  advance  of  the  main  army. 

Owing  to  an  extensive  circuit  which  was  ren 
dered  necessary  to  reach  Coryell's  Ferry,  the  army 
did  not  cross  the  Delaware  until  the  22d  of  June. 
At  that  time  the  following  arrangement63  of  the 
troops  was  made  for  the  march  through  the  Jer 
seys,  that  the  order  of  battle  might  be  known  in 
case  of  any  sudden  emergency.  The  right  wing, 
commanded  by  General  Lee,  consisted  of  Wood- 
ford's,  Scott's  North  Carolina,  Poor's,  Varnum's, 
and  Huntingdon's  brigades.  The  left,  under  Major- 
General  Lord  Sterling,  was  formed  of  the  first 
and  second  Pennsylvania,  late  Conway's,  Glover's, 
Learned's,  and  Patterson's ;  whilst  the  second  line, 
commanded  by  Major-General  the  Marquis  de  La 
fayette,  was  composed  of  Muhlenberg's,  Weedon's, 


152  MEMOIR  OF 

first  and  second  Maryland,  and  Maxwell's  brigades. 
The  march  was  to  commence  from  the  left. 

On  the  24th,  another  council  was  held,  which  re 
sulted  in  the  determination  to  send  forward  only 
fifteen  hundred  men  to  strengthen  the  advance. 
Although  this  was  the  public  decision  of  the  council, 
influenced  as  they  were  by  the  opinions  of  the 
European  officers,  yet  it  seems  to  be  a  well-esta 
blished  fact  that  the  general  officers  were  about 
equally  divided  in  wishing  or  not  wishing  an  en 
gagement.  The  Americans  at  this  time  lay  in  the 
vicinity  of  Princeton,  and  the  enemy  in  and  about 
Allentown,  whilst  the  direction  of  the  latter's  march 
was  such  that  if  the  Americans  advanced,  a  col 
lision  must  necessarily  ensue. 

General  Scott  was  selected  to  command  the  re 
inforcement  sent  to  the  advance,  which  shortly 
afterwards,  on  the  individual  responsibility  of  the 
Commander-in-chief,  was  strengthened  by  a  detach 
ment  of  one  thousand  picked  men  under  General 
Wayne,  and  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  sent  forward 
to  command  the  whole.  General  Lee,  who  had 
been  opposed  to  any  engagement,  and  who  had 
consequently  declined  the  command  of  the  advance 
so  long  as  he  thought  nothing  serious  was  intended, 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  153 

now  that  the  vanguard  was  strengthened  to  nearly 
five  thousand  rank  and  file,  evidently  with  the  in 
tention  of  attacking  the  enemy,  thought  it  necessary, 
in  justice  to  himself,  to  apply  for  the  command 
which  properly  belonged  to  him.  His  request  was 
not  refused,  and  he  was  accordingly  sent  forward 
with  two  additional  brigades  to  assume  command 
of  all  troops  advanced. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  presumed  that  the  inten 
tion  of  the  Americans  was  to  strike  at  the  immense 
train  which  accompanied  his  army,  very  wisely 
took  the  resolution  of  offering  battle  for  its  pre 
servation.  The  baggage  was  put  under  the  charge 
of  Lieutenant-General  Knyphausen,  who  with  a 
strong  column  moved  off  at  daybreak,  whilst  Sir 
Henry,  with  the  remainder  of  the  army,  under  the 
immediate  command  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  took  post 
in  the  vicinity  of  Freehold.  About  eight  o'clock 
this  division  commenced  its  march,  but  was  very 
shortly  after  attacked  by  General  Wayne  in  so 
vigorous  a  manner  as  to  compel  them  to  draw  up 
in  order  of  battle.  Their  force  was  so  overwhelm 
ing  as  to  induce  General  Lee,  who  thought  the 
ground  unfavourable  to  a  general  action,  to  order 
or  permit  a  retreat,  the  object  of  which  was  to  draw 


154  MEMOIR  OF 

the  enemy  through  the  defile  to  a  position  where,  if 
defeated,  their  retreat  would  be  cut  off.  This  re 
treat  was  conclusively  proved  by  the  evidence  be 
fore  the  court-martial  to  have  been  conducted  with 
skill  and  order  ;  for  although  vague  charges  of 
disorder  were  heard,  yet  every  officer  examined 
strenuously  denied  its  existence  in  his  own  com 
mand.  In  the  midst  of  this  retreat  the  Commander- 
in-chief  rode  up,  and,  much  incensed,  ordered  the 
troops  to  be  immediately  formed  on  the  ground 
they  then  occupied;  which  was  very  nearly  or  quite 
the  position  which  General  Lee  wished  to  take. 
The  order  was  instantly  obeyed;  the  troops  formed 
with  the  greatest  precision,  and  the  battle  com 
menced. 

General  Muhlenberg's  brigade  in  this  action 
formed  a  part  of  the  right  wing  of  the  second  line, 
under  the  immediate  command  of  General  Greene, 
who  had  stipulated  on  accepting  the  office  of 
quartermaster-general,  that  in  time  of  action  he 
should  still  command  his  division.  It  was  these 
troops  who,  taking  a  position  contrary  to  orders83  on 
the  right  of  the  American  line,  first  checked  the 
advance  of  the  enemy,  and  afterwards,  by  the  well- 
directed  fire  of  their  artillery,  materially  aided  in 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  155 

discomfiting  an  attack  made  upon  Lord  Sterling's 
command. 

The  occurrence  is  thus  related  in  Johnson's  Life 
of  Greene : — "  During  the  action,  on  a  movement 
being  made  by  the  enemy  which  threatened  the 
right  of  Washington's  line,  Greene  was  ordered  to 
file  off  about  two  miles  from  Englishtown,  and  fall 
into  the  Monmouth  road  a  small  distance  in  the 
rear  of  the  court-house,  while  the  residue  of  the 
army  proceeded  directly  forward.  This  movement 
would  have  brought  him  into  the  rear  of  the  position 
in  which  the  armies  were  now  engaged.  He  had 
already  advanced  some  distance,  but  hearing  of  the 
retreat  of  the  party  under  Lee,  and  foreseeing  that 
it  would  expose  the  troops  immediately  under  Wash 
ington  to  the  whole  weight  of  the  enemy's  attack, 
he  immediately  changed  his  route,  and  took  an  ad 
vantageous  position  near  the  enemy's  left.  As  he 
had  foreseen,  this  movement  withdrew  the  enemy 
from  his  designs  against  the  left,  or  first  line  of  the 
American  army,  and  drew  on  a  most  furious  attack 
upon  his  own  division.  General  Knox,  who  com 
manded  the  artillery  of  this  division,  poured  in  a 
most  destructive  fire  upon  the  advancing  line;  and 
being  seconded  by  the  infantry  with  the  greatest 


156  MEMOIR  OF 

firmness  and  a  steady  fire,  the  enemy  were  soon 
driven  back  with  great  loss  to  the  position  they 
occupied  when  Lee  first  advanced  upon  them  in  the 
morning."  For  this  movement  General  Greene  re 
ceived  warm  praise — a  striking  instance  of  the  in 
stability  of  fortune ;  for  he  did  precisely  what  Lee 
had  done  in  the  morning,  upon  certainly  not  stronger 
grounds;  and  whilst  he  met  with  commendation, 
Lee  was  ruined. 

To  enable  an  officer  to  distinguish  himself  above 
his  fellows,  where  all  do  their  duty,  not  only 
bravery  and  skill,  but  also  opportunity  are  requi 
site.  In  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  the  last  was 
unfortunately  denied  to  General  Muhlenberg.  His 
brigade  formed  a  part  of  the  main  line,  and  although 
his  brave  Virginians  fought  with  their  usual  steadi 
ness  and  gallantry,  and  although  he  himself  dis 
played  the  same  skill  and  impetuous  ardour  which 
so  highly  distinguished  him  at  Brandywine  and 
Germantown,  yet  the  actions  of  this  particular 
body  of  troops  were  lost  in  those  of  the  mass. 
That  they  did  their  whole  duty,  and  nobly  sustained 
the  reputation  won  in  the  campaign  of  1777,  all 
accounts  agree,  but  more  cannot  be  claimed.  Had 
the  fortune  of  the  day  been  with  them,  doubtless 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  157 

the  troops  who  saved  the  army  at  Brandywine 
would  have  equalled  their  former  deeds  at  Mon- 
mouth.  Still  their  conduct  was  such  as  to  win 
them  the  praise  of  their  opponents ;  for  an  English 
account,64  (after  detailing  the  rout  of  Lee's  com 
mand,)  in  speaking  of  that  portion  of  the  army 
with  which  was  Muhlenberg's  brigade,  says: 
"  Their  second  line  preserved  a  better  countenance, 
and  resisted  a  fierce  and  eager  attack  with  great 
obstinacy."  The  account  then  goes  on  to  state, 
that  after  being  routed  "  they  evinced  a  degree  of 
recollection  as  well  as  resolution  rarely  found  in 
taking  up  a  third  position,  which  they  maintained." 
This  is  incorrect,  for  they  never  receded  from  the 
position  in  which  they  repulsed  the  enemy's  repeated 
attacks. 

The  engagement  continued  until  night  separated 
the  combatants,  and  thus  ended  the  hardfought 
and  perhaps  unnecessary  battle  of  Monmouth.  The 
enemy  suffered  more  heavily  than  did  the  Ame 
ricans,  and  at  night  withdrew  from  the  field, 
having  accomplished  the  design  of  protecting  their 
train.  The  Americans  gained  the  ground  and  the 
ground  alone,  although  in  another  point  of  view, 
the  result  of  the  action  was  useful.  It  taught  the 
14 


15S  MEMOIR  OF 

Continental  troops  the  value  of  the  discipline  they 
had  learned  at  Valley  Forge,  and  as  the  victory 
was  claimed  with  some  appearance  of  plausibility, 
it  served  to  strengthen  the  hopes  and  courage  of 
the  people  at  large. 

With  the  unfortunate  dispute  between  General 
Lee  and  the  Commander-in-chief  this  sketch  has 
no  connexion,  although,  perhaps,  the  writer  may 
be  allowed  to  express  the  opinion,  that  Lee  was 
more  culpable  for  his  correspondence  after,  than 
for  his  conduct  during  the  action.  This  dispute, 
however,  by  engrossing  the  attention  of  the  army 
and  the  public,  has  rendered  all  accounts  of  the 
action  meagre  and  unsatisfactory. 

The  victory  at  Monrnouth  drew  from  Congress 
resolutions  thanking  warmly  the  Commander  and 
troops,  and  the  former,  in  general  orders,  com 
mended  in  the  highest  terms  the  good  behaviour 
of  both  officers  and  men. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  after  remaining  some  days 
in  the  vicinity  of  Middletown,  proceeded  to  Sandy 
Hook,  and  his  army  embarked  for  New  York  the 
day  before  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet,  an  event 
which  would  have  cut  off  their  retreat,  and  per 
haps  eventuated  in  their  entire  destruction. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  159 

The  American  forces  in  the  mean  time  proceeded 
to  Brunswick,  and  from  thence  to  Paramus,  at 
which  latter  place  a  halt  of  a  few  days  was  made 
to  recruit  the  troops.  From  thence  they  marched 
to  the  North  River,  the  main  body  of  the  army 
halting  at  the  White  Plains. 

The  force  now  concentrated  at  this  place  was 
the  largest  body  of  regular  troops  ever  assembled 
under  the  American  banner.  It  was  reported  at 
nearly  seventeen  thousand  rank  and  file  fit  for 
duty;  and  consequently  a  new  arrangement  of 
brigades  became  necessary.65  That  commanded 
by  General  Muhlenberg  was  composed  of  the 
regiments  of  Colonels  Parker,  Daviess,  George 
Gibson,  and  Smith,  and  this  arrangement  was  not 
changed  whilst  its  commander  remained  in  the 
North. 

The  army  maintained  its  position  at  the  White 
Plains  for  several  months,  during  which  time 
nothing  material  occurred ;  the  unanimous  opinion 
of  a  council  of  war  having  been  against  any  attack 
on  New  York  Island.  General  Muhlenberg  was, 
however,  assigned  the  command  of  a  picked  body 
of  troops,66  a  part  of  which  were  Morgan's  rifle 
men,  and  thrown  forward  in  the  direction  of  King's 


160  MEMOIR  OF 

Bridge  to  cover  the  country  and  the  camp.  He 
several  times  advanced  on  the  high  grounds  west 
of  the  Brunx  River  to  the  bridge  itself,  offering 
battle  to  the  enemy's  forces  at  that  point,  but  they 
remained  close  within  their  entrenchments.  The 
service  was  one  of  great  danger,  requiring  un 
ceasing  vigilance  and  activity,  but  it  was  honour 
ably  and  skilfully  performed. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  despairing  of  effecting  any 
thing  in  the  North,  had  determined  upon  a  southern 
expedition,  and  the  large  preparations  made  for 
this  object  induced  the  belief  that  New  York  was 
to  be  evacuated,  whilst  the  recent  movement  to 
wards  Rhode  Island  convinced  the  public  mind 
that  an  eastern  expedition  was  intended.  This 
was  not  Washington's  own  opinion,  although  to 
be  prepared,  he  removed  his  head-quarters  to 
Fredericksburg,  near  the  Connecticut  line,  and 
ordered  the  Virginia  brigades,  with  some  other 
portions  of  the  army,  to  West  Point. 

The  state  of  public  belief,  however,  rendered  it 
necessary  that  the  question  of  a  march  to  the 
Eastern  States  should  be  discussed,  and  the  opi 
nions  of  the  general  officers  were  desired.  That  of 
General  Muhlenberg87  is  too  long  for  insertion; 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  161 

but  the  results  arrived  at  show  the  correctness  of 
his  military  judgment,  and  were  borne  out  by  the 
opinion  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  the  future 
conduct  of  the  enemy.  The  following  extract  oc 
curs  in  it: 

"  The  uncertainty  of  the  enemy's  real  intention 
in  transporting  a  part  of  their  army  from  York  to 
Rhode  Island,  renders  it  almost  impossible  in  our 
present  situation  to  judge  with  propriety  in  what 
manner  their  designs  may  or  ought  to  be  coun 
teracted. 

"  The  object  of  their  expedition  must  be  either  to 
reinforce  the  garrison,  or  bring  them  off,  or  per 
haps  they  intend  to  try  their  fortune  on  the  main, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rhode  Island,  with  the 
best  part  of  their  army.  Either  of  these  objects 
may  be  their  aim ;  but  until  it  can  be  determined 
with  some  degree  of  certainty  which  of  these  they 
have  in  view,  a  movement  of  this  army  to  the 
eastward  might  prove  very  prejudicial,  especially 
if  their  object  is  either  of  the  two  first  mentioned ; 
for  they  would  have  time  enough  to  take  off  the 
garrison,  or  compel  General  Sullivan  to  quit  the 
Island,  before  we  could  possibly  come  to  his  assis 
tance.  As  they  have  so  great  an  advantage  over 
14* 


162 


MEMOIR  OF 


us  in  transporting  their  troops  by  water,  they 
might  possibly  find  an  opportunity  to  bring  their 
whole  force  to  act  against  this  or  any  other  state 
on  the  south  side  of  the  North  River,  and  cut  off 
our  communication  with  the  Southern  States,  before 
we  could  be  in  a  condition  to  prevent  it.  Should 
they  accomplish  this,  besides  other  ruinous  conse 
quences,  the  army  would  be  distressed  for  pro 
visions. 

"  From  this  I  conceive  that  nothing  could  justify 
the  march  to  the  eastward  at  this  time,  except  the 
army  with  General  Sullivan  was  so  entangled,  that 
without  the  assistance  of  this  army,  they  must  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Relative  to  an  expe 
dition  against  York  Island,  as  I  did  not  understand 
that  your  Excellency  meant  to  make  a  serious 
impression,  I  can  see  no  desirable  object,  except  it 
is  to  make  a  diversion  in  favour  of  General  Sul 
livan  ;  but  if  he  has  left  Rhode  Island,  that  object 
vanishes  of  course.  The  enemy's  works  on  this 
side  of  King's  Bridge  may  probably  be  wrested 
from  them  by  a  coup-de-main,  but  even  then  the 
enemy  would  have  the  advantage.  They  would 
defend  the  works  as  long  as  they  thought  it  advi 
sable,  and  then  retreat  over  the  bridge,  which  we 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  163 

could  not  prevent,  so  that  we  should  only  gain  a 
post,  with  the  loss  of  a  number  of  men,  which  we 
would  not  care  to  occupy. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  I  conceive,  the  post  which  the 
army  at  present  occupies,  is  best  calculated  for  a 
general  plan  of  defence.  We  cover  the  communi 
cations  between  the  Eastern  and  Southern  States, 
awe  the  enemy  in  New  York  and  its  dependencies, 
and  can  be  ready  at  the  shortest  notice  to  march  to 
the  assistance  of  any  state  east  or  south,  as  the  ope 
rations  of  the  enemy  shall  make  it  necessary." 

The  same  remarks  will  apply  to  General  Muhlen- 
berg's  opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  selection  of 
winter  quarters,68  which  was  given  at  New  York 
under  date  of  16th  October.  In  opposition  to  the 
general  opinion  that  the  army  should  be  kept  toge 
ther,  he  recommended  that  the  main  body  should 
be  quartered  at  Fishkill,  with  three  or  four  brigades 
advanced  three  days'  march  on  the  Boston  Road,  to 
be  in  readiness  to  act  in  conjunction  with  General 
Sullivan  and  the  French  fleet.  Some  brigades  in 
the  Jerseys  to  cover  that  state  and  the  Highland 
posts,  at  the  principal  of  which,  West  Point,  a 
strong  garrison  should  be  posted,  while  the  cavalry 
were  sent  into  Jersey  and  Connecticut.  "  In  this 


1G4 


MEMOIR  OF 


position,"  he  says,  "  I  presume  we  might  be  able  to 
frustrate  any  designs  the  enemy  might  have  upon 
either  the  fleet  or  the  Highland  posts,  and  at  the 
same  time  be  in  the  best  possible  situation  to  pro 
vide  for  the  army;  but  as  it  will  be  impossible  to 
provide  houses  for  all  the  troops  at  the  different 
posts,  and  as  it  would  be  unadvisable  to  canton 
them  about  in  the  country,  no  time  should  be  lost 
in  providing  materials  for  raising  temporary  bar 
racks.  Your  Excellency  will  remember  that  last 
winter  many  inconveniences  might  have  been  pre 
vented,  and  our  quarters  rendered  much  more  com 
fortable,  if  we  could  have  begun  upon  them  before 
the  severity  of  the  winter  came  on."  This  was 
almost  precisely  the  arrangement  afterwards  adopt 
ed  by  the  Commander-in-chief  with  the  utmost 
success  for  the  purposes  intended. 

The  course  of  our  narrative  now  leads  us  to  a 
matter  of  more  private  importance  to  its  subject 
than  that  immediately  preceding.  General  Muhlen- 
berg  was  by  no  means  a  wealthy  man,  and  his 
continuance  in  the  army  was  at  a  great  pecuniary 
sacrifice  to  himself.  Since  his  first  entry  into  the 
service,  he  had  been  so  continually  engaged  in 
active  service  that  his  private  affairs  had  been 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  165 

entirely  neglected.  Under  these  circumstances  he 
addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief. 

"West  Point,  Oct.  22d,  1778. 
"  SIR, 

"  As  the  present  campaign  seems  nearly  at  an 
end,  I  must  request  your  Excellency's  permission  to 
go  to  Virginia  as  soon  as  the  troops  go  into  winter 
quarters,  in  order  to  settle  my  affairs  there. 

"I  went  to  Virginia  last  winter  for  that  purpose; 
but  having  received  some  intimation,  on  my  way, 
at  Yorktown,  how  the  dispute  between  General 
Woodford  and  myself  was  like  to  be  settled,  I  had 
no  intention  to  continue  in  the  service  on  those 
terms,  but  thought  to  return  to  Virginia  immediate 
ly,  and  should  have  done  so  if  your  Excellency  had 
not  thought  it  necessary  for  me  to  stay  at  that  time, 
as  no  other  general  officer  of  the  Virginia  line  was 
present, 

"  I  left  my  household  furniture,  stock,  &c.,  in 
the  glebe  at  Dunmore,  which  I  rented  for  one  year, 
from  the  10th  of  January  last,  under  the  care  of  an 
overseer,  who,  I  am  informed,  is  gone  on  the  Indian 
expedition,  and  the  vestry  likewise  notify  me  that 


166  MEMOIR  OF 

they  wish  my  effects  removed  to  make  room  for  a 
minister.  As  the  enemy  have  nearly  broke  me  up 
in  Philadelphia,  I  wish  to  save  the  little  I  have  left 
in  Virginia,  as  I  could  not  in  justice  to  my  family 
continue  in  the  service,  unless  I  knew  them  in  some 
sort  provided  for.  I  do  not,  however,  mean  to  ask 
permission  to  go,  so  long  as  your  Excellency  shall 
think  my  services  wanted. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
"  Your  Excellency's 

"  Most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"  P.  MUHLENBERG." 

To  this  he  received  the  following  reply,  which 
prevented  his  leaving  camp  at  this  time.  He  cheer 
fully  acquiesced  in  the  decision  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  although  in  so  doing  he  again  sacrificed 
his  private  interests  to  the  public  good. 

"  Head-quarters,  Fredcricksburg,  28th  Oct.,  1778. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

«  #  *  *  In  answer  to  yours  of  the  22d,  I  can 
only  say  that  it  is  my  wish  to  accommodate  every 
gentleman's  situation  in  the  army  to  his  private 
affairs,  as  far  as  I  can  do  it  consistently  with  that 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  167 

duty  which  I  owe  to  the  public,  and  to  the  trust 
which  is  reposed  in  me.  General  Woodford  is 
already  gone  to  Virginia,  and  by  what  I  can  learn, 
General  Scott  will  be  obliged  from  some  late  do 
mestic  calamities  either  to  go  home  for  a  time  or 
resign,  and  if  you  go  before  a  general  officer  re 
turns  to  superintend  the  troops  of  the  state,  they 
will  be  left  as  they  were  last  winter  without  a  head, 
and  will  dwindle  to  nothing. 

"  From  the  tenor  of  your  letter  I  am  pleased  to 
find  that  you  are  determined  to  wait  until  the  ser 
vice  will  admit  of  your  absence  with  convenience, 
and  you  may  be  assured  that  whenever  that  is  the 
case,  I  shall  give  my  consent  to  your  visiting  your 
family  and  friends. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir, 
"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  G.  WASHINGTON." 

Whilst  on  the  North  River,  General  Muhlenberg 
was  attached  to  the  division  commanded  by  Gene 
ral  Putnam,  composed  of  his  own  and  Wood  ford's 
brigades.  In  the  early  part  of  November,  General 
Gates,  wTho  commanded  at  Hartford,  was  ordered 
to  Boston,  which  made  it  necessary  to  send  forward 


168  MEMOIR  OF 

General  Putnam  to  the  former  place.  The  com 
mand  of  the  division  was  therefore,  on  the  2d  of 
November,  assigned  by  the  Commander-in-chief  to 
General  Muhlenberg,  and  in  this  responsible  situa 
tion  he  continued  during  the  whole  winter. 

The  "  Military  Journal"  of  Dr.  Thatcher,  who, 
for  a  time  held  the  post  of  surgeon  to  the  first 
Virginia  regiment,  Colonel  George  Gibson,  gives  us 
much  insight  into  the  private  life  of  the  officers  of 
the  Revolutionary  army  at  this  time;  and  in  good 
truth,  they  seem  to  have  enjoyed  themselves  as 
much  as  their  circumstances  and  privations  would 
admit.  The  following  extract09  will,  perhaps,  be 
of  some  interest  to  the  reader. 

"  Nov.  3d,  1778.  Robinson's  House,  West  Point. 
Having  made  a  visit  to  Fishkill,  I  returned  in  com 
pany  with  Dr.  Treat,  our  physician-general,  and 
found  a  large  number  of  gentlemen  collected  to 
partake  of  an  entertainment,  by  invitation  of  Briga 
dier-General  Muhlenberg,  who  occupies  a  room  in 
our  hospital.  The  guests  consisted  of  forty-one 
respectable  officers,  and  our  tables  were  furnished 
with  fourteen  different  dishes,  arranged  in  fashion 
able  style.  After  dinner,  Major-Gerieral  Putnam 
was  requested  to  preside,  and  he  displayed  no  less 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  169 

urbanity  at  the  head  of  the  table,  than  bravery  at 
the  head  of  his  division.  A  number  of  toasts  were 
pronounced,  accompanied  by  humorous  and  merry 
songs.  In  the  evening  we  were  cheered  with  mili 
tary  music  and  dancing,  which  continued  until  a 
late  hour  in  the  night. 

"  General  Muhlenberg  was  the  minister  of  a 
parish  in  Virginia,  but  participating  in  the  spirit  of 
the  times,  he  exchanged  the  clerical  profession  for 
that  of  a  soldier.  Having  in  his  pulpit  inculcated 
the  principles  of  liberty  and  the  cause  of  his  coun 
try,  he  found  no  difficulty  in  enlisting  a  regiment, 
and  was  appointed  their  commander.  He  entered 
the  pulpit  with  his  sword  and  cockade,  preached 
his  farewell  sermon,  and  the  next  day  marched  at 
the  head  of  his  regiment -to  join  the  army;  and  he 
does  honour  to  the  military  profession." 

This  dinner  was  most  probably  given  to  General 
Putnam,  on  the  occasion  of  his  successor  taking 
command. 

The  army  now  prepared  to  go  into  winter  quar 
ters.  The  disposition  of  the  troops  was  as  follows. 
Three  brigades  were  posted  at  Danbury  in  Con 
necticut  ?  two  near  Fishkill ;  one  at  West  Point, 
Smith's  Clove,  and  Elizabethtown,  each ;  and  the 
15 


170  MEMOIR  OF 

remaining  seven  at  Middlebrook,  with  the  artillery 
near  the  latter  place.  The  division  commanded  by 
General  Muhlenberg  was  ordered  to  head-quarters 
at  Middlebrook,  and  commenced  its  march  from 
West  Point  on  the  28th  of  November.  When  it 
arrived  at  the  Scotch  Plains,  however,  its  progress 
was  suddenly  arrested.  An  express  arrived  order 
ing  General  Muhlenberg  to  halt  wherever  the  order 
found  him,  disencumber  himself  of  all  heavy  bag 
gage,  and  return  forthwith  to  the  North  River. 
This  order  was  caused  by  a  formidable  movement 
of  the  enemy  up  that  stream,  to  attack  West  Point, 
as  was  supposed.  The  division  accomplished  its 
march  very  rapidly,  but  the  enemy  returned  again 
to  New  York.  The  Virginians  retraced  their  steps, 
and  finally  arrived  at  Middlebrook,  where  they 
erected  huts  for  their  accommodation,  and  re 
mained  during  the  whole  winter. 

Despite  their  uncomfortable  situation  here,  the 
camp  seems  to  have  been  full  of  gaiety.  Dr. 
Thatcher  makes  frequent  mention  of  balls  and 
dinner  parties;  and  General  Muhlenberg,  whose 
natural  disposition  was  extremely  gay  and  sociable, 
appears  to  have  been  a  prominent  actor  in  all  the 
amusements  of  the  winter.  On  the  New  Year  he 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  171 

gave  a  grand  ball,  which  the  Doctor  thus  describes:70 
"Jan.  1,  1779.  Colonel  Gibson  made  an  entertain 
ment,  and  invited  all  the  officers  of  his  regiment  to 
dine  at  his  quarters  in  the  country,  a  short  distance 
from  camp.  The  table  was  amply  furnished,  and 
the  guests  did  not  separate  till  evening,  when  we 
were  requested  to  resort  to  General  Muhlenberg's 
quarters.  Here  we  were  introduced  to  a  number 
of  ladies  assembled  to  unite  with  the  gentlemen  in 
the  ball-room.  A  very  elegant  supper  was  provided, 
and  not  one  of  the  company  were  permitted  to  re. 
tire  until  three  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Thus  have 
the  gallant  Virginians  commenced  the  new  year." 

The  army  remained  in  ^quarters  at  Middlebrook 
until  the  2d  of  June ;  but  during  this  time,  beyond 
the  usual  duties  of  a  camp,  nothing  occurred  of 
sufficient  interest  to  render  it  worthy  of  comme 
moration. 

In  the  mean  time,  General  Washington  had  been 
in  consultation  \vith  Congress,  and  the  result  of 
their  deliberations  made  the  plan  for  the  ensuing 
campaign  entirely  defensive  in  its  character.  Very 
little  being  attempted,  the  year  '79  furnishes  but 
scanty  materials  for  this  sketch. 

The  long  inactivity  of  the  winter  had  as  usual 


172  MEMOIR  OF 

diminished  the  rank  and  file  of  the  army ;  and  in 
May  its  reorganization  became  essential.  Several 
of  the  regiments  had  been  so  much  weakened  that 
it  was  necessary  to  unite  them  to  make  the  brigades 
at  all  efficient.  In  Muhlenberg's,  the  first  and  tenth 
were  so  united,  and  Colonel  Gist's  regiment  added ; 
so  that  the  brigade  now  consisted  of  these  corps, 
the  sixth,  and  first  and  second  state  regiments,  all 
Virginians. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  the  mean  time,  after  the 
return  of  his  detached  parties  from  the  south  and 
east,  moved  up  the  North  River  in  great  force,  in 
tending  to  take  the  posts  of  Stony  Point  and  Ver- 
planck's  Point,  and  if  possible  attempt  the  Highland 
forts  themselves.  This  caused  the  concentration 
of  the  American  army:  the  encampment  at  Middle- 
brook  was  suddenly  broken  up,  and  on  the  2d  of 
June  the  troops  commenced  their  advance  by  forced 
marches.  General  Muhlenberg's  brigade  formed  a 
part  of  the  advance  division ;  and  the  whole  right 
wing,  under  command  of  General  Putnam,  was 
united  at  Smith's  Clove.  The  position  of  the  Ame 
rican  army  was  now  so  easily  defended,  that  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  relinquished  the  latter  part  of  his 
project,  leaving  adequate  garrisons  in  the  two  cap- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  173 

tured  posts  of  Stony  Point  and  Verplanck's  Point. 
Dr.  Thatcher  says  that  the  American  position  was 
deemed  so  strong,  that  the  wish  for  an  attack  from 
the  enemy  was  generally  expressed  by  the  officers. 
The  various  marauding  parties  of  the  enemy, 
who  had  ravaged  the  coast  with  fire  and  sword, 
had  excited  the  indignation  of  the  people  in  the 
highest  degree,  and  the  reproaches  at  the  inactivity 
of  the  army  were  universal.  The  Commander-in- 
chief  thus  found  it  necessary  to  depart  from  his 
defensive  plan  for  the  moment,  to  strike  some  bril 
liant  blow,  which  should  at  once  awe  the  enemy 
and  appease  the  general  discontent.  The  object 
selected  was  Stony  Point :  the  officers  detailed  for 
this  delicate  duty  were  Generals  Wayne  and  Muh- 
lenberg ;  the  former  with  a  picked  body  of  men  to 
make  the  attack,  and  the  latter  with  his  brigade  to 
cover  and  support  the  former.  The  following  is  an 
extract  from  the  letter  of  the  Commander-in-chief 
upon  the  occasion : — "  This  day,  General  Wayne 
marched  down  towards  Stony  Point,  to  take  a  view 
of  the  enemy,  and  if  occasion  offered,  to  attempt 
something  serious.  I  therefore  wish  you  to  put 
your  brigade  in  motion  about  midnight,  and  march 
15* 


174  MEMOIR  OF 

that  way,  in  order  to  act  as  his  situation  may  make 
it  necessary.  You  will  make  your  movements  as 
secret  as  possible,  and  march  perfectly  light,  taking 
such  of  your  guards  as  may  be  in  your  route  with 
you.  You  shall  hear  from  me  when  to  return,  un 
less  the  enterprise  should  prove  unsuccessful,  in 
which  case  you  will  return  to  your  present  post." 
But  it  did  not  fail.  It  was  carried  out  as  gallantly 
as  it  was  skilfully  planned,  and  General  Wayne 
richly  deserved  the  honours  heaped  upon  him  for 
the  exploit.  It  was  not  General  Muhlenberg's  good 
fortune  to  be  engaged  in  the  assault  itself,  the  duty 
assigned  him  being  of  a  different  nature,  far  less 
brilliant,  but  equally  necessary.  Wayne  in  his 
report  said : — "  Previous  to  my  marching,  I  had 
drawn  General  Mnhlenberg  into  my  rear,  who 
with  three  hundred  men  of  his  brigade  took  post  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  marsh,  and  was  to  be  in 
readiness  either  to  support  me,  or  cover  a  retreat  in 
case  of  accident ;  and  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  of 
his  faithfully  and  effectually  executing  either,  had 
there  been  an  occasion  for  it."  The  glory  of  the 
assault  was  entirely  with  General  Wayne ;  but  still 
it  was  no  mean  compliment  to  the  military  character 
of  any  officer,  to  be  selected  by  the  Commander-in- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  175 

chief  out  of  the  whole  army  as  second  in  command 
of  such  an  expedition. 

During  the  whole  of  this  year,  General  Muhlen- 
herg  was  almost  constantly  engaged  in  what  was 
termed  "  the  arrangement  of  the  Virginia  line."71 
In  the  first  instance,  commissions  had  been  very 
loosely  issued,  in  a  manner  at  variance  with  all  the 
general  rules  on  the  subject  of  promotions.  This 
evil  had  gone  on  increasing  until  it  had  reached  its 
height ;  the  whole  line  was  thrown  into  confusion, 
and  disputes  as  to  rank  were  constantly  arising. 
To  ascertain  and  place  each  officer  in  the  rank  he 
should  have  held,  was  the  object  of  this  arrange 
ment;  and  considering  the  number  of  disputes,  the 
task  was  truly  herculean.  Upon  General  Muhlen- 
berg  fell  the  principal  portion  of  the  labour,  and  his 
correspondence  upon  the  subject  with  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  covers  many  pages.  In  the  fall 
of  this  year,  however,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  it  finally  arranged,  giving  general  satisfac 
tion;  and  in  September  the  new  commissions,  dated 
in  accordance  with  its  recommendations,  were 
issued. 

He  was  also,  in  conjunction  with  Generals  Greene, 
Sterling,  St.  Clair,  De  Kalb,  Knox,  and  Woodford, 


176  MEMOIR  OF 

appointed  upon  a  Board,  the  object  of  which  was 
to  arrange  the  Maryland  line,  and  settle  the  dis 
putes  which  a  similar  looseness  in  granting  com 
missions  had  originated  there. 

In  the  early  part  of  December  the  campaign 
closed,  and  the  main  army,  with  which  was  Muh- 
lenberg's  brigade,  went  into  winter  quarters  at 
Morristown. 

The  southern  expedition  of  the  enemy,  heretofore 
alluded  to,  had  been  detained  thus  long  at  New 
York  by  a  concurrence  of  adverse  circumstances, 
but  in  this  month  it  sailed  for  the  southward.  This, 
added  to  other  indications,  showed  that  the  main 
seat  of  the  war  was  hereafter  to  be  transferred  to 
the  South;  and  on  the  14th,  the  whole  Virginia  line 
was  ordered  to  that  portion  of  the  continent.  Gene 
ral  Muhlenberg  was  directed  to  take  command  of, 
and  accompany  these  troops  to  the  South,  an  order 
which  would  have  ended  his  career  by  consigning 
him  to  a  British  prison-ship,  for  the  whole  Virginia 
line  were  afterwards  made  prisoners  at  the  capitu 
lation  of  Charleston,  Generals  Woodford  and  Scott 
being  among  the  captives.  His  destination  was, 
however,  changed  by  a  subsequent  order,  which 
directed  him  to  proceed  to  Virginia  and  assume 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  177 

the  chief  command  of  that  state.  He  left  camp 
immediately  for  Philadelphia,  but  did  not  commence 
his  journey  south  until  the  following  February. 

A  new  and  different  career  now  awaited  him. 
To  trace  his  conduct  therein  will  be  the  object  of 
the  next  chapter. 


178  MEMOIR  OF 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Condition  of  Virginia — Weakness  of  the  South — Importance  of 
the  Duties  assigned  Him — Support  of  the  Southern  Army — 
Defence  of  the  State — His  Journey — Deficiency  of  Munitions 
of  War — Small  Number  of  Troops — Conscription  Law  pro 
posed — Letter  from  General  Washington — His  Reply — Cap 
tivity  of  the  Virginia  Line — Great  Exertions  necessary — Reor 
ganization  of  the  Virginia  Line — General  Washington's  Letter 
— Arrival  and  Departure  of  General  Gates — Condition  of  Troops 
in  Virginia — Sends  Reinforcements  to  General  Gates — Diffi 
culty  of  equipping  them — General  Leslie  invades  Virginia — 
General  Muhlenberg  marches  against  the  Enemy — His  strength 
— Letter  to  General  Gates — His  Army  reinforced  to  Five 
Thousand  Men — Deficiency  in  Artillery — Project  of  capturing 
the  Enemy  by  Aid  of  the  French  Fleet — The  British  re-embark 
— Volunteers  and  Militia  discharged — General  Order — Letter 
to  the  Board  of  War. 

GENERAL  MUHLENDERG  had  thus  far,  whilst  acting 
with  the  main  army,  won  for  himself  the  reputation 
of  a  gallant  and  skilful  officer.  He  had,  however, 
during  the  whole  of  this  time  acted  in  a  subordinate 
capacity ;  and  although  to  his  own  exertions  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  179 

high  state  of  discipline  in  his  brigade  was  to  be 
attributed,  yet  nevertheless  he  had  enjoyed  the 
good  fortune  of  commanding  the  choice  troops  of 
the  army.  With  such  means  in  his  hands,  it  is 
not  wonderful  that  he  achieved  great  results,  and 
gained  high  distinction  on  the  bloody  days  of 
Brandywine  and  Germantown.  For  the  future 
all  this  was  to  be  changed.  Holding  a  separate 
command,  in  which  important  duties  devolved 
upon  him,  he  was  obliged  to  rely  entirely  upon 
himself.  The  shattered  remnant  of  the  Virginia 
line,  having  marched  under  General  Woodford  to 
the  aid  of  General  Lincoln,  were  captured  when 
Charleston  fell,  arid  he  therefore  entered  upon  his 
new  command  without  a  single  regiment,  and 
almost  destitute  of  the  necessary  munitions  of 
war.  In  this  condition  of  things  he  was  obliged, 
out  of  the  resources  of  his  command,  first  to  raise, 
equip,  and  discipline  an  army  for  the  defence  of  a 
state,  upon  which  an  attack  might  be  daily  ex 
pected.  The  success  with  which  he  performed 
his  part  of  this  herculean  labour  is  evidenced  by 
the  numerous  body  of  troops  who  afterwards,  under 
the  command  of  Lafayette,  joined  the  Commander- 
in-chief  before  the  entrenchments  of  Yorktown. 


180  MEMOIR  OF 

The  reasons  which  induced  the  enemy  to  transfer 
the  war  to  the  southward  are  most  apparent.  In 
the  North  they  had  constantly  met  with  either 
defeat,  or  so  determined  a  resistance,  as  to  render 
their  victories  barren.  The  South,  on  the  con 
trary,  whilst  the  richest  was  at  the  same  time  the 
weakest  part  of  the  confederacy,  large  districts 
teeming  with  the  rankest  disaffection  to  the  cause 
of  the  Continent.  These  reasons,  together  with 
the  despair  of  accomplishing  anything  in  the  North, 
had  the  year  previous  induced  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
to  despatch  several  expeditions  to  that  quarter  of 
the  Confederation.  The  result  of  their  operations 
at  Charleston  and  Savannah,  and  especially  the 
expedition  of  General  Matthews,  who  with  a  com 
mand  of  two  thousand  men  had  made  a  descent 
upon  Virginia,  ravaging,  burning,  and  plundering 
the  whole  seaboard  without  opposition,  convinced 
the  British  ministry  that  much  was  to  be  hoped 
from  active  operations  on  a  large  scale  in  the 
Southern  States.  Against  Virginia  their  hostility 
was  particularly  directed  ;  for,  in  the  language  of 
Colonel  Lee,73  "  They  viewed  the  destruction  of 
the  resources  of  the  commonwealth  of  Virginia, 
as  cutting  up  by  the  roots  all  resistance  in  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  181 

South."  Such  in  truth  it  was.  The  Carolinas 
and  Georgia  were  overrun  with  Tories,  and  in 
their  distracted  and  divided  state,  nothing  was  to 
be  hoped  from  their  own  resources.  In  Virginia 
alone  could  the  troops  and  stores  necessary  to  save 
the  South  be  raised;  and  if  the  enemy  deemed 
"  the  breaking  up  of  Virginia  a  primary  object,"73 
as  they  did,  its  safety  and  preservation  were  held 
to  be  of  equal  importance  by  the  Commander-in- 
chief  and  Congress. 

This  important  command  was  assigned  to  General 
Muhlenberg.  At  the  close  of  the  campaign  of 
1779,  he  had  received  a  furlough  for  the  purpose 
of  visiting  his  family,  which  causes  heretofore 
detailed  had  prevented  him  from  doing  since  his 
return  from  Carolina.  Whilst  in  Philadelphia,  on 
his  way  to  Virginia,  however,  his  journey  was 
arrested  by  the  Board  of  War,  who  ordered  him 
to  Richmond.  His  principal  duties  were  briefly 
these :  to  superintend  the  collection  of  troops,  pro 
visions,  and  munitions  of  war  for  the  southern 
armies,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  keep  them  con 
stantly  effective,  and  if  any  hostile  attempt  should 
be  made  on  Virginia,  to  assume  the  command  of 
all  forces  necessary  for  its  defence.  The  first  of 
10 


182  MEMOIR  OF 

these,  although  not  attended  by  any  brilliant  military 
display,  was  one  of  the  most  important  duties  which 
could  be  assigned  to  any  officer.  Virginia  was  the 
great  storehouse  of  the  South,  but  her  resources, 
unless  properly  managed  by  military  experience 
and  sound  judgment,  and  directed  steadily  to  one 
great  object,  would  have  been  frittered  away  in 
disconnected  and  ill-digested  efforts.  The  constant 
intercourse  necessary  between  the  general  and  the 
civil  officers  of  the  state,  rendered  the  task  one  of 
great  delicacy,  the  more  especially  as  in  that  day 
the  powers  of  neither  were  very  distinctly  defined, 
and  consequently  much  jealousy  of  the  military 
force  existed.  This  cause  rendered  Steuben's 
command,  who  in  the  year  following  succeeded 
General  Muhlenberg,  a  scene  of  constant  strife;74 
and  even  General  Greene  was  several  times  seriously 
embroiled  with  the  authorities  of  Carolina.  But 
still  the  task  was  most  necessary.  Charleston  was 
invested,  and  shortly  afterwards  fell,  leaving  the 
whole  South  without  a  force  anywhere  to  arrest 
the  enemy's  progress.  The  advance  of  the  new 
southern  army  under  General  Gates  was  already 
resolved  upon ;  but  without  the  aid  of  large  bodies 
of  troops  and  supplies  from  Virginia,  it  would  have 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  183 

been  unable  to  take  the  field.  To  organize  and 
prepare  all  these  means  was  a  task  of  no  trifling 
difficulty. 

But  whilst  doing  all  this,  the  defence  of  the  state 
was  to  be  cared  for  most  vigilantly.  Neither  Con 
gress  nor  the  Commander-in-chief  supposed,  that  the 
enemy  having  the  command  at  sea,  would  see  this 
constant  stream  of  men  and  supplies  coming  to  our 
southern  army,  without  making  a  serious  attempt 
to  cut  it  off  at  its  source.  The  geographical  position 
of  Virginia,  penetrated  in  all  directions  by  large  bays 
and  navigable  streams,  rendered  its  attack  peculiarly 
easy.  Its  defence  therefore  required  an  officer  of 
great  military  skill ;  and  General  Muhlenberg  was 
even  required  first  to  raise  the  troops  with  which 
to  defend  his  command,  for  the  Commander-in- 
chief  could  not  spare  him  even  a  single  regiment 
of  regulars.  His  selection  for  this  duty  may  there 
fore  be  considered  a  high  compliment,  not  only 
from  Congress  but  from  General  Washington. 

The  necessary  preparations  to  be  made  detained 
him  in  Philadelphia  until  the  24th  of  February, 
when  he  wrote  to  General  Washington  that  on  the 
day  following  he  should  start  for  Virginia,  and  be 
happy  to  receive  his  orders  at  Fredericksburg  or 


184  MEMOIR  OF 

Williamsburg.  The  uncommon  severity  of  the 
season,75  however,  frustrated  the  various  attempts 
he  made  to  commence  his  journey,  and  it  was 
not  until  the  10th  of  March  that  he  was  fairly 
on  the  road.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  Brigade- 
Major  Mitchell,  and  others  of  his  military  family ; 
and  in  the  early  part  of  April  arrived  at  Richmond, 
the  journey  having  occupied  nearly  a  month.  Its 
severity  may  be  judged  of  by  the  fact,  that  the 
General  lost  three  horses,  one  of  which,  he  writes, 
cost  him  twenty  thousand  dollars ! 

Having  reached  his  point  of  destination,  he 
immediately  commenced  making  the  necessary 
preparations  for  performing  the  duties  assigned 
him.  Throughout  the  state  everything  was  in  the 
utmost  confusion.  They  were  destitute  of  arms 
and  the  munitions  of  war ;  their  recruiting  system 
had  fallen  into  such  disrepute,  that  the  Legislature 
was  debating  the  necessity  of  a  conscription  law ; 
their  whole  line,  with  the  exception  of  a  single 
regiment  stationed  at  Fort  Pitt,  was  shut  up  in 
Charleston,  with  scarcely  a  possibility  of  escape 
from  the  hands  of  the  enemy ;  and  in  addition  to 
all  this,  the  depreciation  of  the  currency  was  such 
that  the  Continental  treasury  was  bankrupt,  and 


GENERAL  MUHLENEERG.  185 

that  of  the  state  in  a  condition  not  much  better. 
Under  these  gloomy  circumstances  the  Old  Dominion 
was  required  to  furnish  the  means  of  reconquering 
the  Southern  States  and  at  the  same  time  to  defend 
herself  from  an  invasion  which  might  be  expected 
at  any  moment.  It  was  one  of  the  darkest  periods 
of  the  Revolution. 

But  the  destinies  of  Virginia  at  this  time  were 
most  fortunately  committed  to  the  hands  of  statesmen 
who  were  capable  of  rising  above  even  such  emer 
gencies.  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  had  resigned  his 
place  in  Congress,  was  seated  in  the  gubernatorial 
chair,  and  acting  with  his  usual  energy  and  deci 
sion,  he  placed  the  whole  resources  of  the  state  at 
the  disposal  of  the  military  commandant,  aiding 
him  by  every  means  in  his  power.  This  happy 
agreement  between  the  military  and  civil  power, 
caused  many  difficulties  to  disappear  which  other 
wise  might  have  proved  highly  detrimental  to  the 
common  cause.  Perhaps  the  fact  of  General  Muh- 
lenberg  being  a  Virginian,  and  in  the  captivity  of 
General  Woodford  the  commanding  officer  of  all 
the  troops  of  that  state,  contributed  somewhat  to 
this  result;  for  certain  it  is  that  difficulties  of  this 
16* 


186  MEMOIR  OF 

kind  were   among  the  greatest  troubles  of  Baron 
Steuben,  his  successor  in  the  command. 

General  Muhlenberg's  first  object  was  to  ascer 
tain  precisely  the  present  condition  of  affairs  con 
nected  with  his  new  duties.  For  this  purpose  he 
proceeded  from  Williamsburg  to  Richmond,  at 
which  latter  place  he  met  Governor  Jefferson,  who 
furnished  him  with  the  desired  information.  From 
this  letter  it  appeared  that  voluntary  enlistments 
were  the  only  means  of  filling  the  ranks  of  the 
Virginia  line  then  authorized  by  law,  and  that  the 
only  corps  then  in  the  state  were  the  first  and 
second  state  regiments  and  Colonel  Harrison's  artil 
lery.  The  latter  had  been  "  considerably  recruit 
ed,"  but  the  men  of  the  two  former  were  absent  on 
furlough,  there  being  no  money  in  the  treasury  to 
pay  or  re-enlist  them.  There  were  some  few 
draughted  soldiers  in  different  parts  of  the  country, 
but  in  the  language  of  the  letter,  "  they  are  so 
few,  so  dispersed,  and  enlisted  for  so  short  a  time, 
that  we  have  not  thought  them  worth  the  ex 
pense  of  gathering  up."  This  was  all  the  military 
material  then  existing  in  the  state  of  Virginia,  al 
though  it  is  true,  that  as  Charleston  had  'not  yet 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  187 

fallen,  the  necessity  for  exertion  was  not  so  great 
as  it  subsequently  became.  Even  this  force  was 
then  under  orders  from  the  Board  of  War  to  pro 
ceed  to  the  southward  by  companies,  as  rapidly  as 
collected. 

The  plan  of  relying  entirely  upon  voluntary  enlist 
ments  General  Muhlenberg  soon  discovered  would 
prove  ineffectual.  In  a  letter  to  the  Board  of  War, 
dated  Fredericksburg,  April  15th,  1780,  he  writes 
that  "the  numbers  collected  are  small,  and  the  officer 
appointed  by  the  government  of  the  state  to  collect 
them  will,  I  am  apt  to  believe,  meet  with  little  suc 
cess.  Several  gentlemen  of  consequence  inform 
me  that  if  it  should  appear  that  recruits  cannot  be 
raised  by  voluntary  enlistment,  a  draft  will  be  pro 
posed  by  the  next  Assembly,  who  meet  in  May." 
This  is  the  first  shadowing  forth  of  the  conscription 
law  afterwards  enacted,  a  measure  which  was  most 
warmly  urged  by  General  Muhlenberg,  whose  in 
fluence  was  highly  instrumental  in  procuring  its 
passage.  Without  it  the  state  would  have  remain 
ed  entirely  defenceless,  and  must  have  fallen  at  the 
first  blow. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Washington 
and  its  reply  will  show  how  utterly  disorganized 


188 


MEMOIR  OF 


every  branch  of  the  service  in  Virginia  was,  but  at 
the  same  time  they  exhibit  a  considerable  improve 
ment  in  the  prospects  for  the  future.  The  work, 
however,  was  evidently  commenced  at  the  begin 
ning. 

"Head-quarters,  Morristovvn,  April  20th,  1780. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  24th  of  Feb 
ruary  from  Philadelphia,  when  you  were  on  the 
point  of  leaving  it,  with  the  copy  of  instructions 
from  the  Board  of  War  to  which  you  refer.  The 
business  which  they  have  mentioned  to  employ 
your  attention  is  very  interesting,  and  in  this  view 
I  persuade  myself  that  every  reasonable  exertion 
will  be  used,  as  far  as  it  may  depend  on  you  to 
promote  it.  I  do  not  know  what  measures  the 
state  is  pursuing  to  place  their  line  on  a  more  re 
spectable  footing  than  it  is  at  present;  however  I 
suppose,  in  consequence  of  the  late  requisition  of 
Congress,  and  the  necessity  of  the  case,  they  are 
doing  something. 

"In  fixing  on  places  of  rendezvous  for  the  recruits 
and  drafts,  regard  should  be  had  to  their  probable 
future  destination  and  their  health.  The  destination 
from  present  appearances  will  be  to  the  southward, 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  189 

and  therefore  the  more  conveniently  they  can  ren 
dezvous  to  the  communications  leading  that  way, 
the  better.  But  Petersburg,  from  its  usual  un- 
healthiness,  should  not  by  any  means  be  appointed 
for  them  to  assemble  at.  It  has  already  proved 
the  grave  of  too  many.  *  *  * 

"  As  the  recruits  and  drafts  come  in,  you  will 
have  them  formed  into  companies  immediately,  and 
proper  attention  paid  to  their  discipline,  and  when 
ever  they  amount  to  fifty  strong  they  are  to  march 
to  join  the  troops  of  the  state  at  the  southward. 
This  is  to  be  the  case  from  time  to  time  as  often  as 
they  make  this  number,  unless  orders  are  received 
to  the  contrary,  and  whenever  the  detachments 
amount  to  one  hundred  and  fifty,  a  field  officer 
should  proceed.  That  I  may  know  how  to  direct 
matters  with  the  more  propriety,  you  will  not  fail 
to  inform  me  of  the  places  of  rendezvous  you  ap 
point,  and  transmit  me  by  every  fortnight's  post  a 
particular  statement  of  the  recruits  or  drafts  that 
assemble.  Your  attention  will  be  extended  to  hav 
ing  the  old  soldiers  collected  who  were  furloughed, 
and  who  have  not  joined  their  regiments. 

"  I  have  been  informed  that  there  are  many  de 
serters  in  the  state,  and  that  possibly  a  good  many 


190 


MEMOIR  OF 


of  them  would  come  in  if  they  were  not  afraid  of 
being  punished.  You  shall  hear  from  me  on  this 
subject  by  the  first  post  after  I  know  the  places  you 
appoint  for  the  rendezvous  of  recruits,  &c.,  which 
you  cannot  be  too  early  in  communicating. 

"  The  officers  in  the  state  will  in  all  probability 
want  their  pay.  I  really  do  not  know,  in  the  present 
deranged  situation  of  our  treasury,  and  from  their 
remoteness,  how  they  will  get  it. 

"  Perhaps  by  transmitting  an  abstract  of  their 
names  and  rank,  and  the  regiments  to  which  they 
belong,  to  the  Honourable  the  Board  of  War,  with 
whom,  by  their  instructions,  you  are  to  correspond, 
it  may  be  in  their  power  to  have  the  matter  put  in 
such  a  train  that  it  may  be  obtained. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  &c., 
"  G.  WASHINGTON." 

«  Fredericksburg,  May  8th,  1780. 
"  SIR, 

"  I  was  honoured  with  your  Excellency's  favour 
of  the  20th  April,  by  the  last  post,  and  have  carried 
the  orders  into  execution  as  far  as  possible. 

"  I  am  sorry  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  give  your 
Excellency  a  more  favourable  account  of  the  skua- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  191 

tion  of  affairs  here,  relative  to  the  recruits  and 
drafts.  On  my  arrival  in  Virginia  I  found  the 
Governor  was  absent  from  Williamsburg,  on  a  visit 
to  Albemarle,  but  was  expected  in  a  short  time 
either  at  Williamsburg  or  Richmond.  I  waited  on 
him  at  the  last  place  in  the  beginning  of  April,  pro 
duced  my  instructions  from  the  Board  of  War,  and 
agreeably  to  those  instructions,  requested  his  advice, 
which  I  received  in  writing.  Finding  that  little 
could  be  expected  from  the  drafts,  and  that  there 
was  no  money  in  the  treasury  to  carry  on  the  re 
cruiting  business  properly,  I  wrote  to  the  Honour 
able  the  Board  of  War,  at  Philadelphia,  enclosed  a 
copy  of  the  Governor's  letter,  and  requested  further 
instructions,  but  have  not  yet  received  an  answer. 

"  On  the  20th  of  April,  I  wrote  to  the  Governor, 
proposing  Rocky  Ridge,  a  town  opposite  Rich 
mond,  for  the  place  of  general  rendezvous,  and 
Winchester  and  Fredericksburg  as  posts  for  the 
recruits  to  collect  in  small  numbers.  I  further 
proposed,  as  there  was  a  favourable  prospect  of 
recruiting,  (one  officer  having  enlisted  near  thirty 
in  this  town  in  a  short  time,)  that  I  should  call  in 
all  the  officers  of  the  Virginia  line  on  Continental 
establishment,  who  were  at  present  off  duty,  appoint 


192  MEMOIR  OF 

their  districts,  and  send  them  out  to  recruit  and 
collect  the  deserters,  provided  the  treasury  could 
furnish  the  money.  I  received  the  Governor's 
answer  on  the  1st  of  May,  approving  my  proposals 
as  far  as  related  to  the  recruiting  business,  but 
objecting  to  having  Rocky  Ridge  appointed  for  the 
general  rendezvous,  it  being  unhealthy,  and  too 
near  the  seat  of  government,  and  proposed  Chester 
field  as  a  healthy  and  convenient  situation.  This 
place  I  have  accordingly  appointed  for  the  general 
rendezvous,  and  have  now  by  advertisement  order 
ed  the  officers  to  assemble  at  this  place  immediately 
to  receive  money  and  recruiting  instructions,  and  I 
flatter  myself  they  will  have  more  success  than  was 
at  first  anticipated. 

"  Before  the  receipt  of  your  Excellency's  letter, 
I  had  already  written  to  the  State  Board  of  War, 
requesting  the  removal  of  the  sick  from  Petersburg 
to  Rocky  Ridge,  or  some  other  convenient  and 
healthy  place.  *  *  * 

"As  soon  as  the  officers  are  assembled,  I  shall 
send  a  return  of  what  pay  is  due  them  to  the  Board 
of  War,  unless  your  Excellency  should  think  it 
more  convenient  for  them  to  draw  their  pay  in  the 
state,  as  the  Governor  has  been  pleased  to  promise 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  193 

his  assistance,  if  necessary.  In  his  last  letter  he 
writes: — 'As  to  the  pay  of  the  officers  left  in  this 
state,  the  poverty  of  the  Continental  treasury  shall 
not  prevent  their  receiving  it,  if  you  will  procure 
authority  for  them  to  apply  to  the  general  pay 
master,  or  any  other  single  person,  whose  receipt 
shall  be  so  authenticative  as  to  vouch  our  paying 
him  moneys  for  that  purpose,  and  charging  them  to 
the  Continent.' 

"  The  last  authentic  accounts  we  have  from 
Charleston,  are  of  the  17th  of  April,  when  every 
thing  was  safe.  The  town  was  summoned  on  the 
10th.  Both  the  summons  and  answer  are  in  town, 
but  I  could  not  procure  them,  else  should  have 
transmitted  them  to  your  Excellency.  *  *  * 
"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c., 

"  P.  MUHLENBERG." 

Bad  as  these  letters  represent  the  state  of  things, 
there  is  still  an  evident  improvement  from  General 
Muhlenberg's  former  accounts.  The  recruiting 
officers  had  been  able  to  make  some  progress ;  and 
as  the  state  treasury  had  now  available  funds,  which 
the  Governor  was  willing  should  be  advanced  to 
the  empty  military  chest,  preparations  for  enlist- 
17 


194  MEMOIR  OF 

ment  were  made  on  a  much  larger  scale.  The 
pay  of  the  officers,  too,  was  secured,  although  from 
the  conclusion  of  General  Washington's  letter,  their 
prospect  of  getting  it  at  that  time  was  extremely 
dubious,  to  say  the  least. 

But  the  political  horizon  was  soon  overshadowed 
by  darker  clouds  than  before.  On  the  12th  of  May 
Charleston  capitulated,  and  the  entire  southern  army 
became  prisoners  of  war.  Upon  Virginia  the  blow7 
was  especially  severe,  for  the  whole  of  the  Virginia 
line,  with  the  exception  of  such  officers  as  were 
absent  from  their  regiments,  shared  the  same  fate. 
Thus  this  fine  body  of  veterans,  whom  it  had  taken 
years  to  form,  were  now  rendered  useless,  and  the 
small  command  of  General  Muhlenberg  was  the 
only  organized  Continental  force  in  the  Southern 
States. 

Great  exertions  now  became  necessary.  General 
Gates  was  appointed  the  new  commander  of  the 
southern  department,  and  was  advancing  with  a 
considerable  body  of  Continentals,  principally  com 
posed  of  the  Maryland  and  Delaware  lines.  This 
army,  however,  was  to  be  supplied  from  Virginia, 
and  joined  by  the  militia  of  that  state.  The  sup 
plies  absolutely  necessary  were  yet  to  be  procured  ; 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  195 

and  General  Muhlenberg's  correspondence  with  the 
Commander-in-chief  and  Congress  is  filled  with 
representations  of  his  wants,  which  were  sometimes 
complied  with;  but  generally  he  was  forced  to  make 
the  best  of  the  resources  in  his  power.  In  one  letter 
he  states  that  a  considerable  portion  of  the  troops 
at  Chesterfield  were  unable  to  appear  on  parade,  on 
account  of  their  naked  state.78 

Another  great  work  was  now  rendered  necessary 
by  the  captivity  of  the  Virginia  troops.  That  line 
was  to  be  reformed,  and  its  ranks  refilled,  or  in  other 
words,  a  new  army  was  to  be  raised,  officered,  dis 
ciplined,  and  equipped.  It  was  the  doing  over  the 
same  thing  which  had  been  done  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  Revolution,  but  under  very  different 
circumstances.  Then  the  regiments  were  filled 
easily,  but  now  the  length  of  the  war  and  experi 
ence  of  the  privations  of  a  soldier's  life,  rendered 
men  very  unwilling  to  step  forward,  even  in  such  a 
crisis. 

The  immediate  superintendence  of  raising  the 
new  Virginia  regiments  naturally  fell  to  General 
Muhlenberg,  he  being  now  their  commanding  officer. 
He  immediately  pressed  upon  the  Legislature  the 
passage  of  a  bill  raising  five  thousand  new  levies 


106  MEMOIR  OF 

by  conscription,  and  giving  the  Commander-in-chief 
accurate  returns  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  old 
regiments  then  in  the  state,  suggested  a  plan  which, 
with  some  modifications,  was  afterwards  adopted. 
The  correspondence  between  General  Washington 
and  himself  upon  this  subject  is  quite  lengthy,  but 
would  prove  uninteresting  to  the  reader,  as  it  is 
principally  filled  with  details  of  the  plan,  and  ac 
counts  of  the  difficulties  to  be  overcome.  The 
Commander-in-chief,  however,  took  great  interest 
in  General  Muhlenberg's  success,  evidently  con 
sidering  it  of  the  last  importance  that  these  troops 
should  be  raised  and  rendered  effective  as  rapidly 
as  possible.  The  following  extract  from  a  letter  to 
General  Muhlenberg,  dated  July  18,  1780,  shows 
the  manner  in  which  he  wrote  of  it: 

"  I  have  now  only  to  entreat  that  you  will  use 
every  possible  exertion  to  collect  and  form  the 
drafts,  and  have  them  disciplined.  I  entreat  this, — 
I  expect  it  of  all  the  officers,  They  will  remember 
that  the  forming  of  a  new  army,  or  at  least  of  a 
whole  state  line,  and  fitting  it  for  the  field,  devolves 
in  a  great  measure  upon  them ;  and  as  it  shall  act, 
so  in  a  great  degree  will  be  their  reputation.  They 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  197 

have  a  glorious  opportunity  to  signalize  themselves, 
and  I  doubt  not  they  will  avail  themselves  of  the 
occasion.  The  crisis  is  a  most  interesting  one ; 
and  on  your  and  their  exertions,  and  the  discipline 
and  bravery  of  the  troops,  great  and  early  events 
may  much  depend.  You  will  let  me  hear  from 
you  by  every  week's  post,  how  matters  go  on,  and 
will  transmit  me  the  number  of  drafts  collected  from 
time  to  time,  and  of  the  old  soldiers,  if  any. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  &c." 

The  bill,  after  some  considerable  delay,  finally 
passed,  but  the  number  of  levies  was  reduced  to 
three  thousand.  The  plan  of  reorganization77  was 
briefly  this.  The  following  colonels,  Febiger  of 
the  second,  Greene  of  the  sixth,  Morgan  of  the 
seventh,  Wood  of  the  eighth,  Gist  of  the  ninth, 
Daviess  of  the  tenth,  and  Buford  of  the  eleventh, 
were  not  prisoners.  The  remaining  officers  were 
divided  among  these  corps,  and  each  was  to  receive 
an  equal  portion  of  the  drafts,  which  with  the  old 
soldiers  already  collected  at  Chesterfield,  would 
make  each  regiment  five  hundred  strong.  The 
regiments  were  to  be  completed  in  the  order  of 
their  numbers,  and  as  soon  as  filled  were  to  be  pre- 
17* 


198  MEMO  I  a  OF 

pared  to  take  the  field  with  the  utmost  rapidity. 
The  bill  passed  on  the  1st  of  August;  and  so  prompt 
and  energetic  were  the  measures  of  General  Muh- 
lenberg,  that  on  the  first  of  the  next  month,  several 
of  the  regiments  were  filled  and  in  a  tolerable  state 
of  discipline.  His  difficulties,  arising  from  the  want 
of  stores,  had  been  somewhat  diminished,  although 
still  sufficiently  great.  Finding  that  his  written 
representations  to  Congress  produced  no  effect,  he 
despatched  Colonel  Febiger  to  Philadelphia,  who 
by  personal  solicitation  procured  a  moderate  supply 
of  arms,  clothing,  &c.,  for  his  General. 

In  the  early  part  of  July,  General  Gates  arrived  at 
Fredericksburg,  and  after  a  short  delay,  proceeded 
to  join  the  southern  army,  then  at  Hillsboro,  N.  C. 
As  commander  of  the  southern  department,  General 
Muhlenberg  for  the  future  reported  to  him  as  well 
as  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  although,  as  the  des 
tination  of  General  Gates  was  South  Carolina,  he 
still  retained  his  separate  command  in  Virginia. 
The  same  thing  occurred  in  the  following  year, 
when  Lafayette,  then  commanding  that  state,  re 
ported  to  General  Greene  as  the  successor  of  Gene 
ral  Gates. 

About  this  time  much  alarm  was  occasioned  by 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  199 

the  appearance  of  a  British  fleet  off  the  coast ;  but 
the  formidable  approach  of  the  conqueror  of  Sara 
toga  obliged  the  enemy  to  concentrate  their  force 
to  oppose  him.  Virginia  was  therefore  spared  for 
the  present,  and  its  commandant  permitted  to  devote 
his  whole  energies  to  the  reorganization  of  the  state 
line,  and  to  the  collection  and  forwarding  of  men 
and  supplies  to  General  Gates,  who  on  his  departure 
had  taken  with  him  the  greater  part  of  the  force 
before  collected. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  General  Gates  wrote  from 
Hillsborough  to  General  Muhlenberg,  pressing  him 
to  send  on  immediate  reinforcements  of  the  regular 
troops  then  at  his  disposal.  Without  waiting  for 
their  arrival,  he  continued  his  march  to  the  South, 
and  at  Camden  the  army  from  which  the  country 
expected  so  much,  was  almost  entirely  destroyed. 
This  calamity  made  redoubled  exertion  necessary 
in  Virginia. 

The  reply  to  General  Gates's  letter,  dated  August 
19th,  shows  some  of  the  almost  insuperable  diffi 
culties  under  which  General  Muhlenberg  laboured. 
It  states  that  the  orders  were  received  on  the  3d, 
and  that  since  that  time,  the  utmost  exertions  have 


200  MEMOIR  OF 

been  used  to  equip  three  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
under  Colonel  Buford,  but  that  they  are  still  without 
blankets  and  knapsacks,  that  no  stores  have  yet  ar 
rived  from  the  North,  nor  can  he  hear  of  any  being 
on  the  way.     In  a  letter  to  General  Washington  he 
uses  the  following  language :  "  The  whole  of  the 
old  soldiers  at  Chesterfield  (except  the  state  regi 
ments    and   some    convalescents)    are   at   present 
formed  into  five   companies   of  sixty  men  each. 
They  would  have  gone  on  before  this  time,  but 
there  is  a  total  want  of  everything  necessary  to  fit 
them  for  the  field.     There  are  neither  teams,  tents, 
nor  blankets,  and  it  is  but  a  few  days  since  we 
have   been  able  to  procure  arms  fit  for   service. 
The  two  state  regiments,  by  an  order  of  the  Gover 
nor  and  Council,  remain  at  Petersburg,  where  they 
are  to  be  equipped  for  the  field  ;  they  have  continued 
there  until  they  are  reduced  to  forty-two  men  fit 
for  duty!"     The  following  letter  sent  with  the  de 
tachment   completes   the   picture.       Some    of  the 
stores  forwarded  by  Colonel  Febiger  had  arrived; 
and  it  is  a  matter  of  amazement  that  without  them 
the  General  had  been  enabled  to  hold  the  command 
together  for  such  a  length  of  time. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  201 

"Petersburg,  Aug.  2Gth,  1780. 
"  DEAR  GENERAL, 

"The  day  before  yesterday  Colonel  Senff  and 
Major  M'Gill  arrived  at  Richmond,  and  brought  an 
account  of  the  disaster  that  had  befallen  the  south 
ern  army.  I  wish  it  were  in  my  power  to  give  you 
some  comfortable  accounts  from  this  quarter.  I 
have,  since  the  time  I  received  your  orders  to  send 
on  the  troops,  used  my  utmost  endeavours  to  equip 
them  with  only  linen  clothes  and  a  pair  of  shoes 
per  man,  but  have  not  been  able  to  accomplish  it 
until  this  day. 

"To-morrow  morning  Colonel  Buford  will  march 
from  this  place  with  three  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
for  Hillsborough,  well  armed,  and  I  hope  I  shall 
have  it  in  my  power  to  send  in  a  party  every  week. 
Thirty-five  hundred  stand  of  arms,  and  one  hundred 
and  eighty  boxes  of  musket  cartridges,  have  arrived 
at  Fredericksburg,  with  other  military  stores,  and 
I  have  ordered  all  the  wagons  in  that  neighbour 
hood  to  be  pressed,  in  order  to  bring  them  on.  A 
wagon-load  of  entrenching  tools  will  likewise  set 
out  from  Richmond  for  Hillsborough  this  week. 
"  I  am,  dear  General, 

"  With  great  respect,  &c. 

"  P.  MUHLENBERG." 


"202  MEMOIR  OF 

General  Muhlenberg  continued  forwarding  troops 
to  Hillsborough  as  rapidly  as  they  could  be  equip 
ped.  The  week  following  the  march  of  Colonel 
Buford,  another  detachment  of  three  hundred  men, 
under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Webb,  was  despatched, 
and  some  weeks  later  an  entire  regiment  proceeded 
in  the  same  direction.  By  dint  of  great  exertion 
three  more  regiments  were  ready  to  take  the  field 
by  the  middle  of  October,  but  their  march  was  pre 
vented  by  occurrences  which  will  be  hereafter 
detailed.  The  following  extract  from  a  letter  to 
General  Washington,  dated  August  24th,  will  give 
the  reader  some  idea  of  the  difficulties  under  which 
these  troops  were  got  ready  for  the  field. 

"  The  detachment  at  Chesterfield  court-house, 
composed  of  old  soldiers,  recruits,  and  deserters, 
amounting  to  three  hundred  rank  and  file  fit  for 
duty,  are  at  length  in  readiness  to  march,  and  will 
set  out  this  week  to  join  the  southern  army,  agree 
ably  to  the  orders  I  received  from  General  Gates. 
It  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  we  could  procure 
the  most  necessary  articles  to  equip  them  for  the 
field.  They  have  no  tents,  but  they  are  well  armed, 
and  most  of  them  have  blankets  and  knapsacks. 

"  The  new  levies  are  beginning  to  assemble  from 
the  counties  nearest  the  rendezvous,  but  in  what 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  203 

manner  they  are  to  be  equipped  for  the  field  is  a 
mystery  to  me.  I  flattered  myself  from  the  pro 
mises  I  had  received  that  the  most  necessary  arti 
cles  would  be  furnished  by  the  state,  but  my  hopes 
are  cut  short  by  the  answer  I  received  a  few  days 
ago  from  the  Governor  and  Council  to  my  requisi 
tion.  They  say  *  the  commissary  of  stores  has 
attended  the  Board  this  morning,  and  informed 
them  that  he  is  not  at  present  prepared  to  furnish 
any  tents,  blankets,  or  clothing,  for  the  new  levies, 
and  whether  he  will  be  better  enabled  in  time  to 
come,  depends  entirely  upon  some  lucky  arrivals,  a 
circumstance  too  precarious  to  reckon  upon.  This 
matter  is  mentioned  to  you,  sir,  that  you  may  lose 
no  time  in  making  the  application  to  the  Board  of 
War  at  Philadelphia,  as  was  intimated  in  your 
letter.' " 

General  Washington's  reply  to  the  above  did  not 
convey  much  hope  that  the  prospect  for  the  future 
would  be  better.  He  says,  "  The  late  unfortunate 
stroke  to  the  southward  will  render  the  exertions  of 
the  state,  and  of  every  individual,  more  than  com 
monly  necessary.  I  trust  that  nothing  will  be  left 
undone  on  your  part  to  collect  the  levies,  arrange 
them,  and  procure  arms  and  clothing  for  them. 


204  MEMOIR  OF 

The  last  two  I  fear  will  be  attended  with  great  diffi 
culty,  as  a  very  small  part  of  either,  expected  from 
France,  have  arrived  in  the  Alliance  frigate  at 
Boston." 

The  following  letter  from  General  Gates  shows 
how  badly  he  bore  and  how  quickly  he  rid  himself 
of  like  troubles.  General  Muhlenberg  had  thus  far 
collected  all  the  newly  raised  troops  at  Chesterfield, 
where  he  kept  them  until  they  were  in  some  sort 
equipped  for  the  field.  The  Governor,  however,  in 
opposition  to  the  General's  advice,  had  ordered  a 
part  of  the  recruits  to  rendezvous  at  General  Gates's 
head-quarters,  which  produced  the  following  letter 
to  General  Muhlenberg. 

"  Hillsborough,  Oct.  12th,  1780. 
"  DEAR  GENERAL, 

"  More  of  the  eighteen  months'  men  from  the 
adjacent  counties  in  Virginia  keep  pouring  upon 
me,  with  neither  clothes,  blankets,  arms,  nor  accou 
trements.  Such  a  naked  rabble  only  increase  dis 
tress,  and  can  be  of  no  service  ;  I  have  nothing  to 
supply  them  with  here.  I  desire  you,  or  the  state, 
will  take  some  measures  to  prevent  this  evil  for  the 
future.  If  they  could  come  clothed,  even  to  Taylor's 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  205 

Ferry,  there  are  arms  sufficient  at  that  post  to  supply 
them,  but  not  here.  How  does  your  business  go 
forward,  and  when  may  I  expect  a  reinforcement 
from  you  ?  I  congratulate  you  on  the  great  news  I 
now  send  by  this  express  to  the  Governor. 
"  I  am,  dear  sir, 

"  Your  affectionate,  humble  servant, 

"  HORATIO  GATES." 

Thus  far  the  state  of  Virginia  had  escaped  the 
ravages  of  war,  but  the  attack  had  been  merely 
postponed,  not  abandoned.  Lord  Cornwallis,  re 
lieved  from  his  difficulties  by  the  victory  at  Cam- 
den,  could  sustain  himself,  and  even  despatch  a  fine 
body  of  troops  under  Colonel  Ferguson  in  that 
direction  ;  at  the  same  time  an  expedition,  about 
three  thousand  strong,  was  fitted  out  at  New  York, 
and  under  the  command  of  General  Leslie,  sailed 
for  Virginia.  From  this  time  henceforth  this  state 
was  to  be  the  scene  of  active  hostilities,  the  enemy 
remaining  quiet  in  the  North,  but  devoting  all  their 
energies  to  "  the  primary  object,  the  breaking  up  of 
Virginia."  , 

The  enemy's  fleet,  consisting  of  about  sixty  sail, 
entered  the  mouth  of  James  River  on  the  15th  of 
18 


206  MEMOIR  OF 

October,  and  immediately  commenced  disembark 
ing  its  land  forces  in  the  vicinity  of  Portsmouth. 
The  news  of  the  invasion  was  carried  by  express  to 
the  Governor,  who  called  General  Muhlenberg  to 
the  command  of  the  state  forces,78  assisted  by 
Generals  Weedon  of  the  line,  and  Nelson  and  Ste 
vens  of  the  militia.  The  necessity  of  the  case 
obliged  the  commanding  General  to  use  the  troops 
he  had  collected  for  General  Gates  to  ward  off  this 
new  blow,  and  accordingly,  the  regiments  then  at 
Chesterfield  became  the  nucleus  of  the  new  army. 
The  enemy  thus  succeeded  in  accomplishing  one  of 
their  objects,  the  cutting  off  of  the  stream  of  men 
and  supplies  which  had  been  sustaining  General 
Gates  ;  but  in  the  other,  a  junction  with  Colonel 
Ferguson  or  Lord  Cornwallis,  they  were  disap 
pointed,  by  the  defeat  of  the  former  officer  at 
King's  Mountain. 

The  want  of  arms  proved  a  great  drawback  to 
the  officers  commanding  the  Virginia  forces,  but 
still  their  energy  and  promptness  met  with  con 
siderable  success.  Immediately  upon  the  news  of 
the  invasion,  General  Muhlenberg  marched  from 
Chesterfield  with  the  force  he  then  had,  to  check 
the  enemy's  advance,  leaving  General  Weedon  at 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  207 

Richmond  to  collect  troops  with  which  to  reinforce 
him.  During  the  time  occupied  in  the  march,  the 
enemy,  as  usual,  ravaged  the  shores  of  James 
River  with  fire  and  sword. 

On  the  25th,  General  Muhlenberg  commenced 
his  march  with  about  eight  hundred  raw  soldiers  of 
the  new  Virginia  line.79  The  following  is  an  extract 
from  the  first  general  order  issued : — "  As  the  troops 
have  now  taken  the  field,  and  perhaps  may  soon  be 
called  into  action,  the  General  hopes  and  expects 
that  the  gentlemen  officers  will,  for  the  sake  of  their 
own  honour  and  the  good  of  the  service,  make  use 
of  every  opportunity  that  may  offer,  to  perfect  the 
men,  as  much  as  the  shortness  of  the  time  will 
permit,  in  those  manoeuvres  which  are  essentially 
necessary  in  the  field,  and  to  take  particular  pains 
to  instruct  the  young  soldiers  how  to  perform  their 
duty  when  on  picket  and  other  guard.  Few  orders, 
and  such  only  as  are  absolutely  necessary,  will  be 
issued  on  the  march ;  but  those,  it  is  expected,  will 
be  obeyed  with  the  utmost  punctuality.  Captain 
Drew  and  Mr.  Ludeman  are  appointed  aids  to  the 
General  during  the  invasion,  and  are  to  be  respected 
and  obeyed  as  such." 

The    march   was    conducted    with    the    utmost 


208  MEMOIR  OF 

rapidity,  and  on  the  2d  the  troops  arrived  within 
a  few  miles  of  the  enemy's  pickets.  The  following 
letter80  to  General  Gates,  gives  a  brief  account  of 
General  Muhlenberg's  position,  strength,  and  in 
tentions. 

« Isle  of  Wight,  Nov.  7,  1780. 
"  DEAR  GENERAL, — 

"  I  expected  the  Governor  would  have  given  you 
a  circumstantial  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
enemy  in  this  state,  and  of  the  measures  adopted  to 
oppose  them;  but  I  understand  from  Captain  Single 
ton,  who  -has  just  arrived,  that  the  intelligence  you 
have  procured  from  that  quarter  has  been  very  de 
ficient.  I  shall  therefore  do  myself  the  honour  of 
representing  to  you  our  present  situation  as  con 
cisely  as  possible. 

"On  the  enemy's  landing  in  this  state,  I  marched 
with  all  the  regulars  we  had  embodied,  consisting 
of  eight  hundred  men,  to  oppose  them,  and  prevent 
their  ravaging  the  lower  counties  with  impunity. 
It  was  near  six  days  before  I  got  near  them,  when 
they  immediately  retreated  to  Portsmouth,  where 
they  commenced  entrenching  themselves. 

"They  have  likewise  compelled  Colonel  Senffto 


GENERAL  MUHLENKERG.  209 

retreat  from  the  Great  Bridge,  and  have  taken  pos 
session  of  that  post;  but  Generals  Gregory  and 
Benbury  are  collecting  a  force  sufficient  to  oppose 
them  on  that  side.  General  Nelson  is  on  the  north 
side  of  James  River,  with  about  one  thousand  men, 
and  will  be  reinforced  in  a  few  days  with  more. 
We  have  had  fourteen  deserters  from  the  enemy 
since  their  arrival ;  and  from  their  reports,  as  well 
as  from  other  intelligence  more  to  be  depended  on, 
I  am  convinced  their  force  does  not  exceed  twenty- 
five  hundred  men,  and  these  are  a  motley  crew, 
composed  of  drafts  from  different  corps. 

"  The  post  I  at  present  occupy  is  fifteen  miles 
distant  from  the  enemy's  outpost ;  arid  I  only  wait 
a  reinforcement  to  move  lower  down.  I  have, 
since  my  stay  at  this  place,  been  reinforced  with 
six  hundred  militia.  Eight  hundred  more  will  join 
me  in  a  few  days,  and  General  Weedon  is  on  his 
march  to  join  me  with  a  thousand  men,  besides  a 
corps  of  volunteers  commanded  by  Colonel  Law- 
son,  consisting  of  eight  hundred  infantry  and  one 
hundred  horse ;  so  that  in  a  few  days  we  shall  have 
a  respectable  force. 

"From  every  account  I  have  been  able  to  obtain, 
the  enemy  on  their  first  arrival  intended  to  pene- 
18* 


210  MEMOIR  OF 

trate  the  country,  and  form  a  junction  with  Lord 
Cornwallis ;  but  hearing  of  Ferguson's  fate,  they 
waited  for  further  orders ;  and  now  I  believe  it  is 
too  late  to  put  that  project  in  execution,  as  the 
inhabitants  have  turned  out  with  spirit  and  alacrity. 
"  With  great  respect, 

"  Dear  General,  &c., 

"  P.  MuHLENBERG." 

As  soon  as  General  Muhlenberg  received  the  re 
inforcements  alluded  to,  he  advanced  upon  Ports 
mouth,  and  driving  in  the  enemy's  pickets,  confined 
him  closely  to  his  entrenchments.  The  American 
force  now  amounted  to  about  five  thousand  men, 
of  whom  one  thousand  were  regulars.  It  was 
composed  as  follows  :81 — Lieutenant-Colonel  Gas- 
kin's  battalion,  first  state  regiment,  state  garrison 
regiment,  and  Colonel  Spottswood's  regiment, 
formed  the  first  brigade,  commanded  by  General 
Weedon;  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hawe's  battalion, 
second  state  regiment,  Colonel  Munroe's  regiment  of 
volunteers,  Colonel  Parker's  regiment,  and  Colonel 
Jones's  detachment,  composed  the  second  brigade, 
under  General  Nelson.  Colonel  Harrison  com 
manded  the  artillery,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Camp- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  211 

bell  the  light  infantry.  Such  a  force  as  this  would 
have  been  fully  competent  to  capture  or  destroy 
the  invaders;  but  here  again  the  miserable  defi 
ciency  of  the  Americans  in  arms  prevented  any 
thing  being  accomplished.  General  Muhlenberg 
had  no  artillery  save  a  few  light  field-pieces;  and 
the  enemy's  entrenchments  were  too  strong  to  be 
taken  without  a  regular  battering  train.  Beyond  a 
few  skirmishes,  then,  nothing  occurred;  although  it 
is  true  the  enemy  were  closely  confined  to  their 
works,  and  the  country  perfectly  protected. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Governor  had  written  to 
General  Washington,83  urging  that  a  portion  or  the 
whole  of  the  French  fleet  should  enter  James  River. 
General  Muhlenberg's  force,  he  said,  was  sufficient 
to  prevent  their  escape,  and  the  enemy  would  find 
themselves  in  a  net,  if  the  French  Admiral  had 
leisure  to  close  its  mouth.  But  for  some  reason 
the  project  was  not  adopted;  and  the  British  re 
taining  their  naval  superiority,  on  the  25th  the 
troops  were  re-embarked,  and  returned  to  New 
York.  Their  expedition  had  miserably  failed :  in 
stead  of  penetrating  into  the  country,  they  were 
closely  confined  within  their  walls,  and  only  saved 
from  surrender  by  the  presence  of  their  fleet :  this, 


212  MEMOIR  OF 

too,  although  when  they  landed  General  Muhlen- 
berg  had  but  eight  hundred  effective  men.  Thus 
ended  the  invasion  of  General  Leslie,  whose  repulse, 
although  little  known,  was  under  the  circumstances 
most  creditable  to  the  American  arms  and  com 
mander. 

Portsmouth  evacuated,  the  American  troops  re 
turned,  the  regulars  to  Cabin  Point,  and  the  militia 
and  volunteers,  who  had  been  raised  to  serve  during 
the  invasion,  to  Petersburg,  where  by  orders  of  the 
Governor  they  were  discharged.  Upon  this  occa 
sion  the  following  general  order  was  published : — 
"  The  General  takes  this  opportunity  of  informing 
the  troops  before  they  separate,  that  he  has  been 
honoured  with  a  letter  from  his  Excellency  the 
Governor,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract: 
*  I  must  beg  leave,  in  behalf  of  my  country,  to  re 
turn  through  you,  sir,  my  sincere  thanks  to  the 
virtuous  yeomanry  who  have  turned  out  with  so 
much  readiness  and  spirit  in  opposition  to  the  unjust 
invasion  of  our  native  land.  To  the  gallant  officers, 
also,  I  wish  to  make  my  acknowledgments,  who 
have  led  their  countrymen  into  the  field,  and  pointed 
their  efforts  to  the  proper  object ;  and  especially  to 
those  of  them  who,  postponing  the  scruples  of  rank 


GENERAL   MUHLENJBERG.  213 

to  the  substantial  duties  of  a  citizen,  have  again 
contributed  their  experience  and  valour  to  the 
public  defence.'  To  this  the  General  begs  leave  to 
add,  that  the  readiness  which  the  troops  on  every 
occasion  have  shown  to  oppose  the  enemy  during 
the  time  he  has  had  the  honour  to  command  them, 
the  strict  obedience  they  have  paid  to  general 
orders,  the  cheerfulness  with  which  they  have  sub 
mitted  to  inconveniences  arising  from  the  want  of 
necessary  supplies,  and  the  harmony  which  has 
existed  between  the  different  corps,  entitle  them  to 
his  warmest  thanks." 

As  a  sequel  to  the  history  of  this  campaign,  the 
following  letter  to  the  Board  of  War  will  perhaps 
be  not  inappropriate.  It  was  forwarded  by  Colonel 
Grayson,  a  member  of  the  Board,  then  returning 
from  Virginia ;  and  the  moderate  demand  it  con 
tained  was  some  time  afterwards  fully  complied 
with. 

"Richmond,  Dec.  20,  1780. 
"  GENTLEMEN, — 

"  The  command  I  have  been  honoured  with 
during  the  summer  and  fall,  has  from  unavoidable 
circumstances  proved  much  too  expensive  for  a 


214  MEMOIR  OF 

man  of  my  fortune.  At  the  time  when  I  was 
ordered  on  this  command,  I  expected  to  be  at  more 
than  the  ordinary  camp  expenses,  but  had  no  idea 
that  they  would  be  so  heavy  as  to  compel  me  to 
distress  my  family  to  make  them  good. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  state  to  the  Honourable  Board 
in  a  few  words  the  circumstances  which  occasioned 
my  extraordinary  expenses,  and  to  request  their 
determination  whether  any  or  what  part  of  them 
are  to  be  made  good. 

"  In  February  I  was  ordered  from  Philadelphia 
to  Virginia.  I  was  compelled  to  take  my  baggage 
with  me,  and  the  severity  of  the  weather  with  the 
badness  of  the  roads  occasioned  me  to  be  almost 
a  month  on  the  journey.  When  I  arrived  in  Vir 
ginia,  three  places  of  rendezvous  were  appointed, 
(by  the  advice  of  the  executive,)  Winchester,  Fre- 
dericksburg,  and  Chesterfield.  The  first  and  last 
were  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  apart,  but  still 
it  was  necessary  I  should  visit  them  by  turns, 
which  I  did  once  a  month  ;  besides  this,  my  atten 
dance  at  Richmond  was  necessary,  so  that  I  was 
almost  entirely  on  the  roads. 

"  It  would  be  needless  to  represent  to  the  Ho 
nourable  Board  that  travelling  is  expensive  in  Vir- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG. 

ginia.     Colonel    Grayson   will,   I   make   no  doubt, 
acknowledge  it  on  his  return  to  Philadelphia. 

"I  should  not  have  troubled  the  Board  on  this 
occasion,  if  I  had  not  known  that  several  officers 
who  were  sent  on  command  had  their  expenses 
allowed,  and  no  reason  occurred  to  me  why  I 
should  be  excluded  from  the  same  privilege. 

"  I  have  at  present  vouchers  with  me  for  £6,000 
Virginia  currency,  part  of  which  I  have  borrowed 
from  friends,  as  no  money  could  be  got  from  the 
treasury.  If  this  sum  is  made  good  to  me,  I  shall 
be  content  to  relinquish  the  remainder  of  my  ex 
penses,  though  far  exceeding  the  £6,000. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c." 


216  MEMOIR  OF 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Arrival  of  Baron  Steuben — Orders  of  General  Greene — Mutiny  of 
the  Troops  ordered  South — Suppressed  by  General  Muhlen- 
berg — Arnold's  Invasion — Its  Object — Condition  of  Troops  at 
Chesterfield — Letter  to  Steuben — Movements  of  the  Enemy — 
Position  of  American  Troops — Plan  to  capture  Arnold — Con 
dition  of  Muhlenberg's  Forces  before  Portsmouth — Letter  to 
Steuben — Report  relative  to  Attack  on  the  Town — Extract 
from  Letter  to  Greene — Appearance  of  the  French  Fleet — 
Plan  of  Operations — Reasons  for  its  Failure — Letters  from 
Steuben — Proposed  Arrival  of  the  whole  French  Fleet  and 
General  Lafayette's  Land  Forces — Position  of  American  Troops 
— General  Gregory's  Treason — Distress  in  Portsmouth — Lafay 
ette's  Arrival — Appearance  of  the  English  Fleet — Lafayette's 
Return — Arrival  of  General  Phillips — Letter  to  Steuben — Muh 
lenberg's  Retreat — Desertion  of  the  Militia — Letter  to  Steuben 
— The  Enemy  ascend  James  River  —  General  Muhlenberg 
takes  Post  at  Bland  ford  —  Battle  of  Blandford  — Jefferson's 
Letter  —  Muhlenberg's  Letter  —  Steuben's  General  Order  — 
Greene's  Letter  —  Arnold's  Report  —  Arrival  of  Lafayette — 
Junction  of  the  Americans — Retreat  of  the  Enemy. 

THE  increasing  importance  of  the  command  of 
Virginia,   and  the  probability  that  for  the  future 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  217 

much  larger  bodies  of  troops  would  be  engaged 
in  the  operations  in  that  quarter,  rendered  it  proper 
to  send  there  an  officer  of  higher  rank.  Accordingly, 
when  the  southern  department  was  assigned  to 
General  Greene,  Major-General  the  Baron  de 
Steuben  was  ordered  to  Virginia,  and  General 
Muhlenberg  consequently  became  second  in  com 
mand,  a  position  he  retained  throughout  the  cam 
paign  of  1781.  By  the  death  of  General  Wood- 
ford,  which  occurred  about  this  time,  he  also 
regained  the  rank  he  formerly  had,  that  of  senior 
officer  of  the  Virginia  line. 

On  the  first  of  December,  Baron  Steuben  arrived 
at  Richmond,  and  on  the  third  took  command. 
His  orders  were  the  same  as  those  before  given 
to  General  Muhlenberg,  and  he  immediately  com 
menced  forwarding  troops  and  supplies  to  General 
Greene, — General  Gates  having  been  superseded 
and  ordered  before  a  court-martial,  of  which 
General  Muhlenberg  was  appointed  a  member. 
The  subsequent  invasions  of  Arnold,  Phillips,  and 
Cornwallis,  however,  occupied  the  time  of  all  the 
general  officers  so  thoroughly  that  the  court  never 
assembled,  and  finally  the  resolution  of  Congress 
directing  it  to  be  held  was  very  properly  rescinded. 
10 


218  MEMOIR  OF 

The  military  eye  of  General  Greene  quickly 
discovered,  that  unless  affairs  in  Virginia  were 
put  on  a  better  footing,  his  efforts  to  defend  the 
South  would  be  useless  ;83  he  therefore  urged  the 
utmost  activity  upon  the  slate  government,  re 
organized  the  quarter-master's  department,  and 
leaving  orders  to  be  reinforced  as  soon  as  General 
Muhlenberg  could  spare  troops  for  that  purpose 
from  the  attack  upon  Portsmouth,  he  proceeded 
to  Hillsborough  to  take  command  of  the  southern 
army. 

After  the  militia  and  volunteers  had  been  dis 
banded,  the  remainder  of  General  Muhlenberg's 
command  consisted  of  only  about  one  thousand 
regulars.  Of  this  force,  Baron  Steuben  ordered 
him  to  detach  four  hundred  of  the  best  equipped 
under  Colonel  Greene,  to  reinforce  the  southern 
army.  The  officers  of  this  detachment  were 
unpaid,  ill  clothed  and  provided,  and  consequently 
discontented.  A  paper  complaining  of  ill  usage 
by  the  state,  and  expressing  their  determination 
of  refusing  to  march  until  their  grievances  were 
redressed,  was  signed  by  them  and  handed  to 
Steuben,  who  in  a  letter  to  Greene  says:  "You 
may  suppose  1  was  exceedingly  shocked  at  such 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  219 

a  proceeding.  I  thought  it  best,  however,  to  take 
no  other  notice  of  it  than  to  speak  to  General 
Muhlenberg  on  the  subject,  who  has  promised  to 
speak  to  the  officers."  This  mutinous  spirit  was 
exceedingly  dangerous,  for  all  others  being  in  the 
same  distressed  situation,  it  would  have  spread 
like  wildfire  throughout  the  army,  had  these  de 
mands  been  granted.  They  listened,  however,  to 
the  remonstrances  of  General  Muhlenberg,  who 
whilst  commanding  them  had  won  their  respect 
and  esteem,  and  finally,  through  his  influence  and 
that  of  Colonels  Harrison  and  Greene,  the  offensive 
resolution  was  withdrawn,  and  on  the  14th,  the 
detachment  marched  for  General  Greene's  head 
quarters.  Thus  happily  ended  a  matter  which 
might  have  proved  fatal  in  its  consequences  to 
the  American  arms.84 

The  remainder  of  these  regulars  Baron  Steuben 
intended  should  follow  their  comrades,  as  soon  as 
the  necessary  clothing  and  stores  for  their  equip 
ment  could  be  collected,  their  place  being  supplied 
by  the  new  drafts  who  were  still  assembling.  To 
fit  them  for  the  field,  however,  was  found  to  be  a 
task  of  much  difficulty,  as  they  were  utterly  defi 
cient  in  clothing,  blankets,  and  tents.  By  dint  of 


220  MEMOIR  OF 

great  exertion  this  was  accomplished  ;  but  their 
march  was  prevented  by  a  new  invasion,  com 
manded  by  Brigadier-General  Arnold,  whose  force, 
consisting  of  about  two  thousand  men,  was  disem 
barked  at  Portsmouth,  on  the  2d  of  January,  1781. 
The  object  of  this  expedition  was  to  accomplish 
what  General  Leslie  had  failed  in  performing.  Its 
arrival  was  most  inopportune  for  the  Americans ; 
for  the  volunteers  and  militia  who  had  composed 
the  army  before  Portsmouth  were  disbanded,  the 
regulars  who  were  fit  to  take  the  field  had  marched 
to  join  General  Greene,  and  the  remainder  were 
so  illy  provided  that  a  few  weeks  previously 
Baron  Steuben  had  written  as  follows  of  their 
condition  to  General  Greene:  "  The  business  now 
before  me  is  to  get  clothes  for  those  wretches  at 
Chesterfield ;  they  amount  to  between  five  and  six 
hundred,  but  they  are  so  utterly  naked,  that  except 
I  can  get  some  clothes  for  them  they  will  all  be 
sick  before  they  can  be  ordered  to  march."  Thus 
Virginia  was  left  totally  defenceless,  although  notice 
of  the  intended  invasion  had  been  sent  to  the  Go 
vernor  by  General  Washington;  but  the  reinforce 
ment  of  the  southern  army  was  deemed  of  the  first 
importance. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  '221 

His  union  of  land  and  sea  forces  rendered 
Arnold's  progress  perfectly  secure.  The  fleet 
sailed  up  the  James  River  to  Westover,  twenty- 
five  miles  below  Richmond,  where  on  the  4th, 
nine  hundred  men  were  disembarked,  with  whom 
Arnold  on  the  day  following  entered  the  capital. 
His  stay  was  marked  by  the  destruction  of  many 
valuable  stores,  the  public  buildings,  and  much 
private  property.  On  the  7th,  the  enemy  returned 
to  Westover,  re-embarked,  and  fell  slowly  down 
the  river.  All  this  was  performed  with  but  trifling 
loss,  for  the  force  under  Steuben  was  so  small  that 
no  effectual  opposition  could  be  made.  The  enemy 
were  again  on  board  their  ships,  and  their  future 
movements  uncertain. 

During  this  time,  General  Muhlenberg  was  with 
his  family,  having  received  a  short  furlough.  He 
had  proceeded  there  before  the  invasion  had  taken 
place,  but  had  been  at  home  but  three  days  when 
an  express  was  despatched  to  him  by  the  Baron, 
with  the  news,  desiring  him  to  take  proper  pre 
cautionary  measures  for  the  safety  of  northern 
Virginia.  The  following  was  his  reply. 


19* 


222  MEMOIR  OF 

"  Fredericksburg,  January  12th,  1781. 
"  DEAR  GENERAL, — 

"On  the  lOlh,  in  the  morning,  I  was  honoured 
with  your  favour  of  the  2d,  and  in  consequence  of 
your  order  set  out  immediately,  and  arrived  at 
this  place  last  evening.  This  morning  I  saw  a 
letter  from  General  Weedon,  wherein  he  mentions 
that  the  enemy  had  embarked,  and  that  it  was 
thought  they  were  destined  for  Potomac.  As  this 
is  the  case,  I  shall  continue  at  this  place,  collect 
the  militia,  and  endeavour  to  make  head  against 
the  enemy  should  they  attempt  to  land.  I  send 
my  aid  with  this,  and  shall  be  happy  to  receive 
your  orders  by  him. 

"  I  am,  dear  General,  &c." 

But  the  enemy,  after  landing  at  Hoods,  Cobham, 
and  Srnithfield,  and  as  usual  plundering  and  burn 
ing  wherever  they  went,  finally  advanced  towards 
Portsmouth,  which  place  it  was  evidently  their  in 
tention  to  hold  permanently.  This  being  ascer 
tained,  Steuben  wrote  to  General  Muhlenberg  that 
it  was  clearly  the  enemy's  design  to  establish  them 
selves  in  the  lower  counties,  and  that  leaving  Gene- 


GENERAL  MUHLENEERG.  223 

ral  Weedon  at  Fredericksburg  to  collect  troops 
there,  he  should  march  immediately  to  join  the 
main  body,  with  such  disposable  force  as  he  then 
had  under  his  directions.  On  the  25th,  he  arrived 
at  Cabin  Point,  and  took  command  of  the  troops 
at  that  place. 

Steuben's  first  intention  was  to  attempt  driving 
Arnold  from  the  position  he  had  chosen,  but  on 
consultation  with  his  officers,  he  found  that  scheme 
utterly  impracticable.  His  next  care,  therefore, 
was  to  arrange  his  force  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
prevent  hostile  incursions  being  made  into  the  coun 
try.  To  secure  this  object  the  following  disposition 
was  made.  On  the  south  bank  of  James  River, 
Colonel  Parker,  with  the  Suffolk  militia,  was  ad 
vanced  to  Cowper's  Mills,  the  nearest  post  to 
Portsmouth  held  by  the  Americans  ;  General  Law- 
son,  with  eight  hundred  militia,  was  stationed  at 
M'Kay's  Mills,  some  miles  in  Parker's  rear;  and 
General  Muhlenberg  with  eight  hundred  infan 
try,  consisting  of  Colonel  Fleming's  and  Colonel 
Merriwether's  regiments,  and  Colonel  Armand's 
legion  of  cavalry,  took  post  at  Cabin  Point,  from 
whence  he  could  support  all  the  advanced  forces. 
On  the  north  bank,  General  Nelson,  with  one  thou- 


224  MEMOIR  OF 

sand  militia,  and  some  volunteer  cavalry,  was 
stationed  at  Williamsburg,  with  orders  to  guard 
the  shore  from  thence  to  New  Port  News.  This 
well-planned  arrangement,  it  was  believed,  would 
effectually  secure  the  state  from  Arnold's  present 
force,  and  drive  him  back  to  his  entrenchments 
should  he  attempt  to  force  his  passage,  although  on 
landing  in  Virginia,  he  had  threatened  "to  give  the 
Americans  such  a  blow  as  to  make  the  whole  con 
tinent  shake." 

On  the  26th,  Baron  Steuben  returned  to  Rich 
mond,  leaving  the  actual  command  of  the  troops  in 
the  field  with  General  Muhlenberg.  The  reinforce 
ment  of,  and  collecting  supplies  for,  the  southern 
army,  had  now  become  of  such  paramount  neces 
sity,  as  to  occupy  the  Baron's  time  almost  entirely. 

For  some  time  Generals  Arnold  and  Muhlenberg 
lay  in  this  position  watching  each  other's  move 
ments,  the  former  afraid  to  venture  into  the  open 
field,  and  the  latter  too  deficient  in  artillery,  &c.,  to 
attack  the  fortifications  of  Portsmouth.  During 
this  time  a  plan  for  seizing  Arnold  was  set  on  foot, 
the  execution  of  which  was  entrusted  to  General 
Muhlenberg.  Having  been  unsuccessful,  it  is  but 
little  known ;  but  the  eagerness  displayed,  and  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  225 

reward  offered  for  his  capture,  illustrate  the  uni 
versal  hatred  his  treachery  had  inspired. 

On  the  31st  of  January  Governor  Jefferson  wrote 
to  General  Muhlenberg,  urging  the  importance  and 
feasibility  of  the  plan.  The  following  is  an  extract 
from  that  letter :  "  Having  peculiar  confidence  in 
the  men  from  the  western  side  of  the  mountains,  I 
meant,  as  soon  as  they  should  come  down,  to  get 
the  enterprise  proposed  to  a  chosen  number  of 
them,  such  whose  courage  and  whose  fidelity  would 
be  above  all  doubt.  Your  perfect  knowledge  of 
these  men  personally,  and  my  confidence  in  your 
discretion,  induce  me  to  ask  you  to  pick  from 
among  them  proper  characters,  in  such  numbers  as 
you  think  best ;  to  reveal  to  them  our  desire,  and 
engage  them  to  seize  and  bring  off  this  greatest  of 
all  traitors.  Whether  this  may  be  best  effected  by 
their  going  in  as  friends  and  awaiting  their  oppor 
tunity,  or  otherwise,  is  left  to  themselves.  The 
smaller  the  number,  the  better,  so  that  they  may  be 
sufficient  to  manage  him.  Every  necessary  pre 
caution  on  their  part  must  be  used  to  prevent  a 
discovery  of  their  design  by  the  enemy.  I  will 
undertake,  if  they  are  successful  in  bringing  him  off 


MEMOIR  OF 


alive,  that  they  shall  receive  five  thousand  guineas 
among  them." 

This  attempt  was  afterwards  made,  although  the 
correspondence  is  silent  as  to  the  particular  manner. 
It  was,  however,  defeated  by  the  extraordinary  pre 
cautions  taken  by  Arnold  to  insure  his  personal 
safety,  a  trusty  guard  surrounding  him  day  and 
night.85 

Things  before  Portsmouth  still  remained  in  the 
same  situation  as  before.  The  American  troops, 
however,  suffered  severely  from  the  want  of  proper 
supplies.  On  the  31st,  General  Muhlenberg  wrote 
to  Steuben  as  follows:  "General  Lawson  complains 
heavily  of  the  wretched  situation  of  the  sick  in  his 
camp,  who  are  without  medicine,  physicians,  or 
necessaries.  We  are  here  in  the  same  situation, 
and  no  other  alternative  is  left  us  than  to  disperse 
the  sick  in  the  neighbouring  houses.  General  Law- 
son  would  have  erected  huts  to  shelter  his  men,  but 
finds  it  impossible  for  want  of  axes.  I  have  written 
pressingly  to  Petersburg  for  a  supply,  but  am  afraid 
it  will  prove  but  a  scanty  one."  Such  a  situation 
as  this,  and  especially  the  idea  that  if  sick  or 
wounded  they  must  perish  unassisted,  would  be 
enough  to  dishearten  most  troops. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  227 

Judging  from  his  correspondence,  General  Muh- 
lenberg  seems  to  have  become  very  tired  of  this 
state  of  inactivity.  In  a  letter  to  Baron  Steuben, 
dated  at  Cabin  Point,  Feb.  4th,  he  advises  that  our 
troops  skirmish  with  the  enemy  as  frequently  as 
possible,  both  to  increase  the  distress  in  Ports 
mouth,  and  accustom  them  to  action.  He  also 
says :  "  If  my  presence  at  Chesterfield  (where  he 
had  been  ordered  to  assist  the  Baron  in  making 
some  arrangements  relative  to  the  Virginia  line,) 
could  be  dispensed  with,  and  I  could  obtain  your 
permission  to  command  where  there  is  a  proba 
bility  of  doing  something,  I  would  much  prefer  the 
latter." 

His  advice  was  complied  with,  and  accordingly, 
putting  his  troops  in  motion,  he  advanced  towards 
Portsmouth,  Lawson's  and  Parker's  detachments 
uniting  with  him.  Although  badly  appointed,  his 
force  was  now  quite  respectable  in  numbers,  and  he 
seems  to  have  been  very  anxious  to  draw  Arnold 
into  an  engagement.  On  the  19th,  he  \vi*ote  as 
follows  from  Suffolk,  to  Baron  Steuben. 

"  DEAR  GENERAL, — 

"  Yesterday  I  did  myself  the  honour  to  inform 


228  MEMOIR  OF 

you  that  I  was  on  the  enemy's  lines,  that  we  had 
cut  off  their  picket  within  sight  of  the  works,  con 
sisting  of  a  sergeant,  corporal,  and  twelve  men,  and 
killed  two  yagers.  The  troops  are  all  returned 
without  the  loss  of  a  man,  and  I  am  making  pre 
parations  to  encamp  on  Shoulder's  Hill,  sixteen 
miles  on  this  side  of  Portsmouth.  I  have  a  suffi 
cient  number  of  men  to  fight  them  anywhere,  and 
shall  confine  them  close  to  their  works.  We  waited 
for  Mr.  Arnold  yesterday  three  hours,  within  one 
mile  and  a  half  of  the  town,  but  they  would  not 
suffer  a  man  to  come  out  of  their  works,  and  a 
deserter  who  came  out  this  morning  informs  me 
that  they  are  in  the  utmost  consternation.  I  have 
not  had  the  pleasure  of  a  line  from  you  since  I  had 
the  honour  to  see  you  last,  except  the  one  I  received 
yesterday.  A  report  is  just  circulating  that  Lord 
Cornwallis  was  marching  in  full  force  for  Virginia. 
If  so,  I  am  afraid  it  will  prevent  Portsmouth  from 
falling  into  our  hands,  which  otherwise  I  am  sure 
may  be  the  case  in  five  or  six  days." 

This  manoeuvring  to  draw  Arnold  from  his  forti 
fications  into  the  open  field  was  continued  for  some 
time,  but  without  success.  The  reason  why  more 
efficient  operations  were  not  carried  on  to  force 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG. 

him  either  to  surrender  or  leave  the  state,  is  best 
exhibited  in  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  from 
General  Muhlenberg80  to  General  Greene,  dated 
Feb.  24th.  "  I  must  acknowledge  it  is  derogatory 
to  the  honour  of  the  state  to  suffer  such  a  handful 
of  men  to  retain  possession  so  long  (now  six  weeks) ; 
but  what,  my  dear  General,  is  to  be  done  ?  They 
are  strongly  fortified ;  I  have  near  two  thousand 
men,  and  among  the  whole  about  three  hundred 
bayonets,  and  two  brass  six  pounders.  With  such 
a  military  apparatus,  we  cannot  think  of  attacking 
his  works  by  regular  approaches,  and  all  my  hope 
is  that  we  shall  be  able  to  coop  up  Arnold  so  close, 
that  he  will  be  obliged  to  make  an  effort  to  dis 
lodge  us." 

But  the  appearance  of  a  detachment  of  the 
French  fleet  under  M.  de  Tilly,  intended  to  co 
operate  in  the  attack  on  Portsmouth,  and  the  dan 
gerous  situation  of  General  Greene,  who  was 
threatened  by  the  rapid  advance  of  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  changed  the  whole  plan.  Believing  that  the 
retreat  of  Arnold  was  effectually  cut  off,  Baron 
Steuben  resolved  to  send  down  his  battering  train 
to  General  Muhlenberg.  and  leave  the  reduction  of 
Portsmouth  and  capture  of  Arnold  to  that  officer, 
20 


230  MEMOIR  OF 

thinking,  perhaps,  that  as  he  had  had  the  labour  of 
watching,  he  should  also  have  the  glory  of  taking 
the  traitor,  a  thing  which  now  appeared  certain. 
At  the  snme  time,  the  Baron  proposed  to  put  him 
self  at  the  head  of  the  remainder  of  the  troops,  con 
sisting  of  Colonel  Campbell's  regulars,  four  hundred 
strong,  and  Generals  Weedon  and  Nelson's  militia, 
about  twenty-six  hundred  in  number,  and  march  to 
General  Greene's  assistance.87  Colonel  Campbell's 
command  had  actually  moved  forward,  when  the 
whole  of  this  beautifully  arranged  scheme  was  de 
stroyed  by  a  succession  of  the  most  untoward  events. 
The  officer  commanding  the  French  fleet,  after 
capturing  a  frigate  and  some  smaller  vessels,  re 
fused  to  remain,88  alleging  that  the  shallowness  of 
the  Elizabeth  River  was  dangerous  to  the  vessels, 
and  rendered  their  presence  useless.  This  was 
absurd,  for  as  long  as  he  held  possession  of  the 
river's  mouth,  Arnold's  retreat  was  cut  ofF,  and  in 
a  few  days  he  would  have  been  forced  to  surrender. 
General  Muhlenberg  remonstrated,  but  in  vain:  the 
fleet  sailed  for  Newport,  and  Arnold's  position 
again  became  safe.  The  mortification  of  the  Ame 
rican  commander  at  seeing  the  glorious  prize,  on 
which  he  had  counted  with  so  much  certainty,  thus 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  231 

snatched  from  his  very  grasp,  may  be  better  ima 
gined  than  described. 

In  the  mean  time  an  aid  of  Steuben's,  who  had 
been  sent  to  North  Carolina  with  despatches  for 
Greene,  mistaking  a  skilful  manoeuvre  of  Cornwallis 
for  a  retreat,  without  seeing  General  Greene,  re 
turned  and  reported  to  his  General  that  the  former 
was  retiring  as  rapidly  as  he  had  advanced,  closely 
pursued  by  the  latter.  This  mistaken  intelligence89 
caused  the  marching  orders  of  the  militia  to  be  re 
voked,  and  affairs  in  Virginia  returned  to  their 
former  condition — Arnold  still  at  Portsmouth,  nar 
rowly  confined  by  General  Muhlenberg,  who,  how 
ever,  could  not  succeed  in  drawing  him  from  his 
entrenchmenls. 

The  following  letter  of  Steuben  to  General  Muh 
lenberg,  written  about  this  time,  deserves  attention 
as  a  curiosity.  The  opinion,  however,  which  the 
Baron  entertained  of  Cornwallis's  reported  move 
ments,  should  have  led  him  to  suspect  the  correct 
ness  of  the  information  upon  which  that  opinion 
was  founded. 

«  Head-quarters,  Feb.  25,  1781. 
"  DEAR  GENERAL, — 

'*  I  have  been  some  time  in  doubt  whether  Lord 


232  MEMOIR  OF 

Cornwallis  was  a  great  general  or  a  madman :  his 
late  manoeuvre  proves  him  clearly  to  be  the  latter. 
His  retreat  is  more  rapid  than  his  approach.  Gene 
ral  Greene  crossed  Dan  River  on  the  21st,  and  is 
pursuing  him.  I  shall  set  out  this  evening  for 
Petersburg,  and  if  circumstances  make  it  necessary, 
for  the  place  where  the  detachment  which  marched 
from  this  place  to-day  are  ordered. 

"  I  wish  you  to  keep  Mr.  Arnold  close  within  his 
lines  until  you  receive  further  orders. 

"  I  am,  with  esteem,  &c." 

In  another  letter,  written  at  this  time,  when  he 
still  intended  going  south,  he  tells  General  Muhlen- 
berg  that  "he  leaves  the  chief  command  of  Virginia 
in  his  hands  with  pleasure  and  confidence."  Steuben 
had  now  had  ample  time  to  learn  practically  the 
great  importance  of  this  situation,  and  the  arduous 
duties  it  involved  :  a  compliment,  therefore,  of  this 
kind,  from  a  veteran  of  the  school  of  Frederick, 
implied  no  light  estimate  of  the  military  talents  of 
him  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  General  Muhlen- 
berg  was  a  thorough  master  of  the  German  lan 
guage,  and  was  one  of  the  few  officers  with  whom 
Steuben  could  converse  upon  his  first  arrival.  This 
fact  commenced  a  friendship  which  an  increased 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  233 

knowledge  of  each  other's  qualities  only  served  to 
strengthen.  A  friendly  correspondence  continued 
between  them  after  the  war,  until  the  Baron's  death; 
and  the  General,  by  his  judicious  location  of  the 
land-warrants  of  the  former,  secured  him  from 
some  of  the  effects  of  his  often  improvident  libe 
rality. 

The  importance  of  capturing  Arnold  and  dis 
lodging  the  enemy  from  Virginia,  was  felt  by  no 
one  more  keenly  than  by  General  Washington. 
The  representations  of  the  conduct  of  M.  de  Tilly, 
made  by  Governor  Jefferson,  enabled  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  to  press  the  matter  warmly  upon 
Admiral  Destouches,  who  finally  resolved  to  sail 
with  the  whole  fleet,  having  on  board  eleven  hun 
dred  French  infantry,  for  the  Chesapeake.  As 
since  the  march  of  Campbell's  regiment  none  but 
militia  remained  in  Virginia,  the  Marquis  de  La 
fayette  was  despatched  with  twelve  hundred  regu 
lars  from  the  main  army,  to  co-operate  with  the 
French  troops,  and  assume  the  chief  command  of 
all  forces  in  that  state.  In  the  mean  time,  General 
Muhlenberg  was  directed  to  keep  Arnold  closely 
confined  within  his  works;  and  to  accomplish  this 
end,  the  former  extended  his  lines  around  the  posi- 
20* 


234  MEMOIR  OF 

tion  of  the  latter  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  his 
escape  utterly  impossible,  unless  he  first  defeated 
the  besieging  army. 

Lafayette  advanced  by  forced  marches  from  the 
Hudson,  and  arrived  at  the  head  of  Elk  on  the  3d 
of  March.  There  he  halted  his  command  and 
waited  for  news  of  the  French  fleet,  which  was 
still  at  sea.  Leaving  his  troops  in  that  position,  he 
crossed  the  bay  in  an  open  boat,  and  came  into 
Virginia  to  make  the  necessary  preliminary  ar 
rangements  for  the  combined  attack. 

Whilst  all  parties  are  anxiously  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  the  French  fleet,  a  brief  view  of- the  inci 
dents  occurring  in  Virginia  during  this  time  will 
complete  the  continuity  of  the  narrative.  The  new 
plan  for  capturing  Arnold  had  been  communicated 
by  General  Washington  to  Baron  Steuben,  who 
wrote  warmly  as  to  its  feasibility.  The  following 
is  an  extract  from  his  reply,90  dated  March  1st,  at 
Richmond : 

"  It  was  fortunate  that,  notwithstanding  M.  de 
Tilly's  answer  that  he  could  not  remain  in  the 
mouth  of  James  River,  that  I  had  not  discontinued 
my  preparations  for  an  enterprise  on  Portsmouth : 
this  leaves  it  in  my  power  to  afford  with  greater 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  235 

despatch  the  necessary  assistance  in  the  affair  now 
in  agitation. 

"  You  need  not,  my  dear  General,  be  under  any 
apprehensions  that  Arnold  will  escape  by  land.  Let 
his  retreat  by  James  River  be  cut  off,  and  I  will 
answer  for  delivering  him  over  to  the  Marquis. 

"In  four  or  five  days  I  hope  to  have  four  eighteen 
pounders  and  two  mortars  mounted.  Eight  hun 
dred  shells  will  also  be  ready,  and  indeed  every 
other  article  necessary,  at  which  they  are  now 
working  night  and  day.  Immediately  on  the  receipt 
of  your  letter  of  the  20th,  I  reinforced  General 
Gregory  at  the  northwest  landing  with  eight  hun 
dred  men,  under  Colonel  Everard  Meade. 

"General  Muhlenberg  will  in  two  days  have  five 
regiments,  each  of  four  hundred  militia,  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty  horse,  two  hundred  and  sixty 
riflemen,  and  four  pieces  of  artillery,  under  his 
orders  at  Suffolk ;  and  General  Weedon  will  arrive 
in  two  or  three  days  at  Williamsburg,  with  two 
regiments  of  four  hundred  militia  each." 

After  giving  this  statement  of  force,  he  advises 
that  the  detachment  of  Lafayette  should  unite  with 
the  main  body  under  General  Muhlenberg,  with 
which  he  would  be  in  person.  He  also  states  that 


236 


MEMOIR  OF 


the  plan  of  operations  has  been  communicated  to 
the  latter  officer,  and  that  as  far  as  the  land  forces 
were  concerned,  everything  was  ready  for  the  exe 
cution  of  the  enterprise. 

About  this  time  a  very  unpleasant  occurrence 
happened,  in  which  General  Gregory,91  who  com 
manded  the  North  Carolina  militia,  was  concerned; 
and  language  is  almost  too  weak  to  express  the 
contempt  deserved  by  those  British  officers  who 
joined  in  this  infamous  plot  to  destroy  the  character 
of  a  brave  and  gallant  officer. 

The  enemy's  communication  with  their  post  at 
the  Great  Bridge  had  hitherto  been  uninterrupted. 
This  was  an  important  position,  and  consequently 
General  Muhlenberg  despatched  Colonel  Parker, 
with  three  hundred  and  fifty  picked  men,  to  make 
an  attempt  to  gain  possession  of  the  work.  During 
the  progress  of  the  attack  several  gun-boats  were 
captured,  one  of  which  contained  the  baggage  of 
Captain  Stevenson,  then  commanding  the  post.  In 
the  language  of  Colonel  Simcoe,93  "  Among  his 
papers  was  found  a  fictitious  letter,  which  he  had 
written,  by  way  of  amusement  and  of  passing  the 
time,  to  General  Gregory,  who  commanded  the 
Carolina  militia  at  the  west  landing,  detailing  a 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  237 

plan  which  that  officer  was  to  follow,  to  surrender 
his  troops  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Simcoe,  the  whole 
plausibly  written,  and  bearing  every  appearance 
of  being  concerted.  The  manner  of  its  falling  into 
the  enemy's  hands  strengthened  these  appearances, 
and  at  first  it  served  for  laughter  to  the  officers  of 
the  Rangers;  but  when  it  was  understood  that 
General  Gregory  was  put  in  arrest,  Captain  Ste 
venson's  humanity  became  alarmed,  and  the  letters 
which  passed  between  Sirncoe  and  Colonel  Parker 
prevented  all  further  bad  consequences." 

As  soon  as  Colonel  Parker  discovered  the  nature 
of  the  letters  he  had  captured,  he  despatched  them 
by  express  to  General  Muhlenberg.  The  presence 
of  Arnold,  the  chief  of  all  traitors,  in  Portsmouth, 
rendered  the  matter  doubly  suspicious,  and  General 
Muhlenberg  forthwith  ordered  Gregory  under  arrest, 
to  answer  a  charge  of  treasonable  correspondence 
with  the  enemy.  He  protested  his  innocence,  and 
much  correspondence  on  the  subject  passed  between 
Steuben,  Muhlenberg,  and  himself.  In  a  subsequent 
letter  to  the  Baron.  General  Muhlenberg  says,  "  I 
really  do  not  know  what  to  think  of  General  Gregory. 
Appearances  are  very  much  against  him,  and  he 
must  give  up  his  command  until  the  matter  is  cleared 


238  MEMOIR  OF 

up."  This  was  finally  done,  as  above  related  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Simcoe,  who  satisfied  the  Ame 
rican  commander  that  General  Gregory  was  inno 
cent,  and  he  was  released  from  arrest.  His  men, 
however,  were  still  suspicious  of  him,  and  he 
shortly  afterwards  retired  from  the  service.  Such 
were  the  consequences  of  the  "  amusement"  of 
Captain  Stevenson,  who  should  have  been  driven 
from  the  society  of  all  honourable  men  for  his 
connexion  with  this  infamous  slander.  Nor  can 
the  light  tone  in  which  Colonel  Simcoe  speaks  of 
it  be  approved.  By  means  of  it,  although  only 
discharging  his  duty,  General  Muhleriberg  was 
driven  to  commit  an  act  of  injustice  against  a 
very  worthy  officer,  which  he  always  afterwards 
regretted. 

During  this  time  General  Muhlenberg  carried 
out  his  plan  of  frequently  skirmishing  with  the 
enemy.  He  made  several  attacks  upon  Ports 
mouth,  driving  in  their  outposts,  and  cutting  off 
foraging  parties,  until  at  last  the  enemy  did  not 
venture  from  their  entrenchments.  The  capture 
of  the  post  at  the  Great  Bridge  by  Colonel  Parker 
was  a  severe  blow ;  and  their  distress  was  so 
great,  that  it  alone  would  have  shortly  caused 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  239 

the  fall  of  the  place  had  it  not  been  relieved. 
During  all  these  operations  General  Muhlenberg 
had  the  actual  command  of  the  troops  in  the 
field,  Baron  Steuben  remaining  at  Richmond, 
where  he  was  fully  occupied  in  preparing  for  the 
arrival  of  the  French  fleet,  and  reinforcing  and 
supplying  the  southern  army. 

On  the  19th,  Lafayette  arrived  at  General  Muh- 
lenberg's  camp  near  Suffolk.  He  had  not  as  yet 
assumed  the  command,  being  unwilling  from  motives 
of  delicacy  to  do  so  until  his  own  troops  arrived ; 
but  his  presence  on  the  spot,  it  was  thought,  would 
enable  him  to  act  with  greater  promptitude  on  the 
arrival  of  the  fleet.  In  order  to  judge  of  the 
strength  of  the  enemy's  works,  he  writes93  to 
General  Washington,  that  he  and  General  Muh 
lenberg  marched  down  with  some  troops,  which 
brought  on  a  trifling  skirmish,  during  the  progress 
of  which  they  were  enabled  to  see  something,  but 
the  insufficiency  of  ammunition  prevented  their 
engaging  far  enough  to  drive  in  the  enemy's  out 
posts,  and  the  reconnoitering  was  postponed  until 
the  '21st. 

On  the  20th,  however,  a  large  fleet  was  dis 
covered  in  the  bay.  This  excited  the  expectation 


240 


MEMOIR  OF 


of  all  in  the  highest  degree,  the  American  com 
manders  believing  that  the  prize  for  which  they 
had  toiled  so  long  was  now  within  their  grasp, 
whilst  in  Portsmouth  the  utmost  consternation  and 
fear  prevailed.  But  the  next  day  the  position  of 
the  two  parties  was  reversed.  The  fleet  proved 
to  be  that  of  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  who  had  engaged 
and  defeated  M.  Destouches  oft'  the  capes,  and 
Arnold  was  again  saved  from  the  most  imminent 
danger.  The  enemy  having  preserved  their  naval 
superiority,  and  all  hope  of  capturing  Arnold  being 
at  an  end,  Lafayette  returned  to  the  head  of  Elk, 
with  the  intention  of  marching  his  troops  back  to 
head-quarters. 

But  this  fleet  brought  no  reinforcements  of  land 
troops  to  General  Arnold,  and  therefore  General 
Muhlenberg's  command  was  still  equal  to  the  duty 
of  protecting  the  country  by  confining  the  enemy 
to  their  works.  On  the  24th,  he  wrote  as  follows 
to  Baron  Steuben :  "  The  marines  from  Portsmouth 
have  been  taken  away  to  man  the  fleet,  and  the 
whole  of  their  transports  except  four  are  likewise 
gone  to  join  the  fleet.  This,  I  think,  will  enable 
me  to  keep  the  enemy  close  in  Portsmouth,  and  in 
crease  their  distress  for  want  of  provisions,  which 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  241 

is  already  great ;  and  I  cannot  learn  that  the  fleet 
brought  them  a  supply."  The  Baron's  answer 
contains  the  following:  "I  am  just  favoured  with 
your  reply,  and  thank  you  for  the  intelligence 
it  contains.  As  you  are  reinforced  and  have 
ammunition,  you  will  have  it  in  your  power  to 
harass  the  enemy ;  but  I  would  advise  you  to  be 
cautious  of  hazarding  yourself  too  far." 

General  Muhlenberg,  however,  thought  the  pre 
sent  weak  state  of  the  garrison  favourable  for  an 
attack  upon  the  town,  whilst  at  the  same  time 
Colonel  Parker  should  endeavour  to  cut  off  Colonel 
Simcoe,  who  was  out  with  a  force  of  several 
hundred  men.  One  or  perhaps  both  of  the  attacks 
might  have  succeeded,  but  fortune  again  befriended 
the  enemy.  The  following  is  General  Muhlenberg's 
report  to  Baron  Steuben. 

"Pinner's  Old  Field,  Tuesday,  midnight. 
"  DEAR  GENERAL, — 

"  To-day  I  moved  down  with  my  whole  force, 
and  got  the  provisions  and  cartridges  safe  to 
Colonel  Parker.  I  had  intended  to  attack  the 
enemy  early  in  the  morning,  in  order  to  give 
Colonel  Parker  an  opportunity  to  make  a  stroke 
21 


242  MEMOIR  OF 

at  Simcoe,  but  my  schemes  were  frustrated  by 
the  arrival  of  another  British  fleet,  which  occa 
sioned  me  to  retreat  to  this  place.  As  this  fleet 
has  probably  brought  a  strong  reinforcement,  I 
shall  be  happy  to  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  pos 
sible,  and  to  receive  your  orders  in  what  manner 
to  conduct  myself  with  regard  to  the  troops  under 
my  command,  as  well  as  those  under  Colonel 
Parker.  In  the  mean  time,  I  shall  retire  to  my 
old  camp  near  Suffolk,  until  I  get  certain  accounts 
of  what  troops  this  fleet  has  brought. 

"  I  am,  dear  General,  &c." 

This  fleet  proved  to  be  the  one  expected  from 
New  York,  containing  a  land  force  about  three 
thousand  strong,  under  Major-General  Phillips, 
who,  after  uniting  with  Arnold's  command,  wrere 
destined  to  form  a  junction  with  Lord  Cornwallis. 
As  soon  as  the  news  of  this  new  invasion  reached 
the  Commander-in-chief,  orders  were  sent  to  La 
fayette  to  retrace  his  steps,  and  marching  his 
troops  to  Virginia,  assume  the  chief  command  of 
that  state,  for  the  enemy's  force  was  now  so  large 
as  to  threaten  its  very  existence.  He  did  not 
arrive,  however,  until  the  29th  of  April ;  and  in 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  243 

the  mean  time  the  British  army  was  so  dispro- 
portioned  to  the  American  as  to  bear  down  all 
resistance. 

Baron  Steuben's  orders  to  General  Muhlenberg 
directed  him  to  concentrate  his  forces  and  retire. 
To  bring  off  the  two  regiments  under  the  command 

o  o 

of  Colonel  Parker,  which  were  stationed  at  the 
Great  Bridge  on  the  other  side  of  Portsmouth, 
was  the  great  difficulty.  He  therefore  replied, 
that  he  would  be  obliged  to  remain  where  he 
was  until  Colonel  Parker's  return,  unless  the 
enemy  moved  against  him  in  great  force ;  for  if 
he  retired  sooner,  the  Colonel's  retreat  would  be 
cut  off.  This  delicate  service  was,  however,  skil 
fully  performed,  Colonel  Parker's  men  making  a 
night  march,  and  crossing  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  Dismal  Swamp  on  logs ;  and  thus,  in  spite 
of  the  enemy's  superiority,  General  Muhlenberg 
succeeded  in  concentrating  his  force  without  loss. 

The  disparity  in  force  being  so  great,  it  became 
necessary  as  a  measure  of  precaution,  for  the  Ame 
ricans  to  remove  all  their  stores,  &c.,  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  enemy,  into  the  interior;  and  this  em 
ployment  afforded  full  occupation  to  both  officers 
and  men.  On  the  3d  of  April,  General  Muhlenberg, 


244  MEMOIR  OF 

after  having  left  two  regiments  at  Cowper's  Mills, 
and  two  at  Chuckatuck,  retired  to  his  old  camp 
near  Scott's,04  where  he  says :  "  I  am  now,  in  my 
opinion,  in  the  best  position  this  place  affords,  either 
to  prevent  their  making  incursions  into  the  country, 
or  to  keep  pace  with  them,  should  they  move  up 
James  River,  which  I  am  inclined  to  think  they 
will  attempt.  Report  says  that  Arnold  is  to  march 
by  land,  whilst  the  fleet,  with  part  of  the  troops  on 
board,  moves  up  the  river." 

But  a  further  retreat  quickly  became  necessary, 
not  so  much  from  the  enemy's  movements,  as  from 
the  conduct  of  his  own  troops.  The  militia,  ever 
wanting  when  most  needed,  insisted  upon  going 
home,  even  at  this  great  crisis.  The  following 
letter  from  General  Muhlenberg  to  Baron  Steuben, 
best  explains  their  cowardly  conduct  and  the  situa 
tion  in  which  their  General  was  left. 

"Camp,  April  8th,  1781. 
"  DEAR  GENERAL, — 

"The  militia,  who  have  served  their  term  of 
three  months,  have  partly  discharged  themselves, 
and  compelled  me  to  discharge  the  remainder.  I 
tried  every  method  in  my  power  to  prevail  on  them 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  245 

to  continue  until  I  could  be  reinforced  from  some 
other  quarter,  but  in  vain.  About  one  hundred  de 
serted  within  two  nights  out  of  my  camp ;  and  this 
morning  one  hundred  out  of  Colonel  Downman's 
regiment,  stationed  at  Chuckatuck,  stacked  their 
arms  and  marched  off.  The  remainder  marched 
into  camp  with  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  and 
now  claim  their  discharge,  which  I  shall  be  com 
pelled  to  give  them,  as  their  stay  will  ruin  the  few 
troops  I  have  left.  Colonels  Bowyer  and  Matthews 
with  the  riflemen  will  march  off  on  Tuesday.  Fle 
ming's  regiment  have  likewise  served  their  term,  so 
that  I  shall  be  left  with  about  seven  hundred  men. 
I  had  just  began  to  make  preparations  for  carrying 
off  the  heavy  cannon  from  Mead's,  but  am  now 
prevented ;  and  I  shall  be  obliged  to  send  oft*  the 
military  stores  of  which  I  am  not  in  present  want, 
higher  up  the  country,  as  I  can  see  nothing  to  pre 
vent  the  enemy  from  breaking  me  up,  if  I  continue 
in  their  reach. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c." 

The  clouds  hanging  over  Virginia  were  growing 
darker  and  darker;  and  even  Steuben  seems  to  have 
become  somewhat  discouraged.     On  the  llth,  he 
21* 


246 


MEMOIR  OF 


wrote  to  General  Hand,  then  adjutant-general  of 
the  army,  as  follows: — "I  wish  it  was  in  my  power 
to  give  you  a  pleasing  account  of  affairs  in  this  part 
of  the  continent;  but  indeed  everything  is  gloomy, 
very  little  in  our  favour,  and  appearances  entirely 
against  us.  However,  we  must  do  and  suffer ;  and 
if  by  any  means  we  may  obtain  the  prize  we  fight 
for,  the  price  can  scarcely  be  too  great."95  Such 
a  feeling  as  this,  when  the  future  prospect  is  gloomy, 
spreads  like  contagion  throughout  an  army,  and 
destroys  much  of  its  efficiency.  Labouring  under 
these  impressions,  then,  it  is  surprising  to  find  how 
much  gallantry  the  American  troops  displayed  in 
the  ensuing  contest. 

The  enemy  had  thus  far  remained  quiet  in  Ports 
mouth,  making  preparations  for  a  secret  expedition, 
which,  as  General  Muhlenberg  had  supposed,  was 
destined  to  ascend  James  River.  On  the  16th,  they 
embarked  and  proceeded  slowly  up  the  stream. 
General  Muhlenberg,  whose  force  now  consisted  of 
about  one  thousand  militia,  immediately  put  his 
troops  in  motion,  and  by  making  forced  marches, 
succeeded  in  keeping  before  the  fleet,  watching 
their  motions,  and  ready  to  make  all  the  resistance 
in  his  power,  should  they  attempt  a  disembarkation. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  247 

The  fleet,  however,  proceeded  to  the  junction  of 
the  James  and  Appomatox  Rivers;  and  at  City 
Point  about  twenty-five  hundred  picked  men  were 
disembarked,  under  the  command  of  Generals  Phil 
lips  and  Arnold.  In  the  mean  time,  General  Muh- 
lenberg  had  succeeded  in  posting  his  command  at 
Blandford,  a  village  about  two  miles  in  advance  of 
Petersburg,  and  of  course  directly  between  the 
enemy  and  the  capital.  The  position  was  well 
chosen,  as  the  British  troops  were  obliged,  should 
they  succeed  in  defeating  their  opponents,  first  to 
obtain  possession  of  a  long  bridge  ere  they  could 
pursue  them.  During  these  movements  Baron 
Steuben  still  remained  at  Richmond. 

On  the  25th,  the  enemy  advanced  towards  Peters 
burg,  and  about  three  o'clock  commenced  the  attack. 
The  cotemporaneous  accounts  vary  as  to  whether 
Baron  Steuben  was  on  the  ground  or  not,  the  Eng 
lish  asserting  positively  that  the  American  forces 
were  commanded  by  General  Muhlenberg,  whilst 
the  Americans  say  in  general  terms  that  the  move 
ments  were  directed  by  Steuben.  The  better 
opinion  would  seem  to  be,  that  the  position  was 
chosen  by  Steuben,  and  orders  sent  by  him  to  Ge 
neral  Muhlenberg  to  oppose  the  enemy's  progress 


248  MEMOIR  OF 

at  that  point;  but  that  the  latter  officer  was  in  actual 
command,96  whilst  the  former,  at  Petersburg,  was 
engaged  in  the  equally  important  task  of  directing 
the  removal  of  his  valuable  military  stores  from 
that  city ;  to  gain  the  time  necessary  to  do  which, 
was  probably  the  cause  of  the  action  taking  place. 
The  disparity  of  force  and  the  difference  in  the 
material  of  the  troops  engaged  \vas  so  great,  that 
the  result  was  the  cause  of  much  exultation  on  the 
part  of  the  Americans.  General  Phillips  com 
manded  twenty-five  hundred  picked  men,  the  vete 
rans  of  the  British  army,  while  General  Muhlenberg 
had  but  one  thousand  militia,  who  had  never  seen 
service,  save  in  the  skirmishes  before  Portsmouth. 
The  action  continued  about  two  hours,  and  was 
warmly  contested,  the  loss  on  both  sides  being 
about  equal.  The  bridge  particularly  was  well 
defended ;  and  when  forced  to  retire  by  superiority 
of  numbers,  the  Americans  drew  off  in  good  order, 
and  were  not  pursued.  Governor  Jefferson  gives  the 
following  account  of  the  affair : — "  They  marched 
up  to  Petersburg,  where  they  were  received  by 
Baron  Steuben  with  a  body  of  militia  somewhat 
under  one  thousand,  who,  although  the  enemy  were 
two  thousand  three  hundred  strong,  disputed  the 


GEJS'ERAL  MUHLENBERU.  249 

ground  very  handsomely  two  hours,  during  which 
lime  the  enemy  gained  only  one  mile,  and  that  by 
inches.  Our  troops  were  then  ordered  to  retire 
over  the  bridge,  which  they  did  in  perfectly  good 
order.  Our  loss  \vas  between  sixty  and  seventy 
killed,  wounded,  and  taken.  The  enemy's  is  un 
known,  but  it  must  be  equal  to  ours:  for  their  own 
honour  they  must  confess  this,  as  they  broke  twice 
and  ran  like  sheep,  until  supported  by  fresh  troops. 
An  inferiority  of  numbers  obliged  our  force  to  with 
draw  about  twelve  miles  upward,  until  more  militia 
could  be  assembled."97 

The  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  General 
Muhlenberg  to  his  brother  Frederick,  then  a  dele 
gate  in  Congress,  gives  an  account  of  the  same 
action  : — "  On  the  evening  of  the  24th,  Generals 
Phillips  and  Arnold  landed  their  whole  force,  said 
to  consist  of  three  thousand  chosen  men,  at  City 
Point,  about  twelve  miles  from  Petersburg.  As  we 
had  only  one  thousand  militia  assembled,  and  the 
ships  of  war  were  ranged  close  along  shore,  it  was 
thought  unadvisable  to  attempt  to  annoy  them  while 
they  were  landing,  and  we  therefore  retired  to 
Petersburg,  where  we  determined  to  make  a  stand. 
Yesterday,  about  one  o'clock,  r.  M.,  the  enemy  ap- 


2i30  MEMOIR  OF 

preached  the  town  in  two  columns,  and  were  met 
by  our  light  infantry  about  a  mile  from  the  town, 
where  the  skirmish  commenced,  and  every  inch  of 
ground  to  the  bridge  was  warmly  disputed.  The 
dispute  was  very  hot  at  the  bridge  for  some  time ; 
but  at  length  they  cannonaded  us  so  severely,  that 
We  broke  up  the  bridge  and  retreated  in  the  greatest 
regularity,  after  maintaining  the  fight  for  nearly  two 
hours.  I  have  the  pleasure  to  assure  you  that  the 
militia  behaved  with  a  spirit  and  resolution  which 
would  have  done  honour  to  veterans.  I  am  con 
vinced  the  enemy  have  suffered  severely.  Our  loss 
is  not  yet  ascertained,  but  I  fancy  it  will  not  exceed 
sixty.  To-morrow  we  shall  be  joined  by  the  Mar 
quis,  when  I  think  we  shall  make  Petersburg  too 
hot  for  them." 

In  this  affair  General  Muhlenberg  seems  to  have 
distinguished  himself  highly,  and  from  the  peculiar 
circumstances  under  which  the  action  was  fought, 
it  attracted  at  the  time  considerable  attention. 
Baron  Steuben,  in  his  general  orders,  says :  "  It  is 
with  peculiar  pleasure  and  satisfaction  that  the 
General  takes  this  early  opportunity  to  thank  in  the 
most  cordial  manner  the  officers  and  soldiers  who 
so  very  much  distinguished  themselves  in  defending 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  251 

the  post  of  Petersburg,  for  near  two  hours,  against 
an  enemy  far  superior  in  numbers.  He  begs  Gene 
ral  Muhlenberg  to  accept  his  very  particular  thanks 
for  his  gallantry  and  good  disposition.  The  officers 
in  general  behaved  with  that  spirit  and  firmness 
which  will  always  entitle  them  to  his  highest  appro 
bation."  In  his  official  report  to  Congress  he  fur 
ther  says  :  "  General  Muhlenberg  merits  my  parti 
cular  acknowledgments  for  the  good  disposition 
he  made,  and  the  great  gallantry  with  which  he 
executed  it.  Indeed  the  gallant  conduct  of  all  the 
officers  and  the  particular  good  behaviour  of  the 
men,  must,  I  am  persuaded,  have  attracted  the 
admiration  of  the  enemy.  I  have  the  pleasure  to 
say  that  our  troops  disputed  the  ground  inch  by 
inch,  and  executed  their  manoeuvres  with  great 
exactness."  From  this  last  passage  it  would  seem 
that  General  Muhlenberg  still  deserved  the  reputa 
tion  he  had  acquired  at  the  north,  of  being  a  strict 
disciplinarian,  and  possessed  the  rare  faculiy  of 
making  soldiers  out  of  militia. 

General  Greene,  to  whom,  as  commander  of  the 
southern  department,  the  affair  was  reported  by 
Baron  Steuben,  speaks  of  it  in  these  terms.  "  I  am 
happy  you  came  to  so  judicious  a  determination  of 


252  MEMOIR  OF 

not  hazarding  a  general  action,  and  yet  not  per 
mitting  the  enemy  to  advance  without  considerable 
opposition.  Your  report  of  the  good  conduct  of 
General  Muhlenberg,  and  the  troops  under  his  com 
mand,  affords  me  great  pleasure,  and  claims  my 
entire  approbation.  This  spirited  opposition  will 
have  a  most  happy  effect  upon  their  future  opera 
tions."98 

After  all  the  above  concurrent  testimony,  the 
reader  will  be  amused  by  the  account  of  this  skir 
mish  given  by  General  Arnold  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 
It  exemplifies  the  proverb  of  "  lying  like  a  bulletin." 
He  says  :  "  On  the  25th,  we  marched  at  ten  o'clock 
for  Petersburg,  where  we  arrived  at  five  p.  M. 
We  were  opposed  about  one  mile  from  the  town 
by  a  body  of  militia  under  the  orders  of  Brigadier- 
General  Muhlenberg,  supposed  to  be  about  one 
thousand  men,  who  were  soon  obliged  to  retire 
over  the  bridge,  with  the  loss  of  near  one  hundred 
men  killed  and  wounded,  as  we  have  since  been 
informed  ;  our  loss  was  only  one  man  killed  and  ten 
wounded.  The  enemy  took  up  the  bridge,  which 
prevented  our  pressing  them." 

The  American  forces  now  retreated  to  Rich 
mond,  where,  on  the  29th,  they  were  joined  by 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  253 

Lafayette's  detachment,  who,  by  making  forced 
marches,  and  leaving  even  his  artillery  behind, 
succeeded  in  arriving  in  time  to  effect  the  junction 
and  save  the  capital  for  the  present.  He  now 
assumed  the  chief  command  of  the  forces  in  the 
state. 


22 


254  MEMOIR  OF 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Takes  Command  of  the  Regular  Light  Infantry — Position  of  the 
American  Forces — Junction  of  Cornwallis  and  Arnold — La- 
fayette's  Retreat  —  Cornwallis's  Retreat  —  Tarleton's  Attack 
upon  Muhlenberg's  Corps — Orders  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton — Bat 
tle  of  Greenspring — General  Muhlenberg's  advance  without 
Orders — General  Wayne  Extricated — Strength  of  American 
Army — Plans  of  Combined  Attack  upon  Yorktown — Corn 
wallis's  design  to  Retreat  southwardly  by  Land — Muhlenberg 
ordered  to  Oppose  the  Movement^-His  letter  to  General  Jones 
— Returns  to  Command  of  the  American  Advance — Great  Vigi 
lance  required — Letter  to  General  Washington — Assault  on 
the  "  Twin  Batteries" — Examination  of  Colonel  Hamilton's 
Claims — Evidence  in  favour  of  General  Muhlenberg — Receives 
Leave  of  Absence — Letter  to  General  Washington — Applies 
for  Orders  to  join  General  Greene — Assigned  the  Command  of 
Virginia — His  Duties — Correspondence  with  Greene — Letter 
from  General  Washington — Promoted  to  the  Rank  of  Major 
General — The  Army  Disbanded — Removes  to  Pennsylvania — 
Journey  to  the  Falls  of  Ohio — Extracts  from  his  Journal — 
Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress — Letter  to  Baron  Steuben 
— Second  Journey  to  the  West. 

THIS  skilful   movement  of   Lafayette  prevented 
the  enemy  from  crossing  James  River,  and  after 


GENERAL,  MUHLENBERG.  255 

destroying  much  property  at  Manchester,  they  fell 
back  to  Petersburg,  where,  on  the  2d  of  May,  their 
troops  were  re-embarked.  It  was  said  that  General 
Phillips  flew  into  a  violent  passion  when  he  saw 
the  prize  thus  snatched  out  of  his  hands  by  Lafay 
ette's  celerity,  and  that  he  swore  vengeance  against 
him  and  his  corps. 

General  Muhlenberg  now  left  his  division  of 
militia,  who  remained  with  Baron  Steuben,  and  as 
the  senior  Continental  brigadier,  took  command  of 
the  regulars,  about  one  thousand  strong,  whom  La 
fayette  had  brought  with  him  to  Virginia.  They 
were  the  light  infantry  of  the  main  army,  a  corps 
composed  of  picked  men,  and  as  the  Marquis  him 
self  termed  them,  "  the  flower  of  General  Wash 
ington's  army."  Henceforward,  therefore,  he  re 
mained  with  the  main  body  under  Lafayette,  and 
shared  in  all  the  skilful  manoeuvres  which  enabled 
that  officer  to  baffle  Lord  Cornwallis  throughout  a 
whole  campaign.  These  movements  are, however, so 
well  known,  that  a  very  brief  notice  will  here  suffice. 

The  enemy  fell  slowly  down  the  river,  with  the 
intention  of  proceeding  to  Portsmouth,  when,  on 
the  13th  of  May,  General  Phillips  died,  and  General 
Arnold  again  became  commander-in-chief.  The 


MEMOIR  OF 

main  body  of  the  Americans  remained  on  the  north 
side  of  James  River,  at  or  near  Richmond,  for  the 
twofold  purpose  of  covering  the  capital  and  pro 
tecting  the  stores  at  Fredericksburg  and  the  Point 
of  Fork,  at  which  latter  place,  which  was  the  great 
laboratory  and  magazine  in  Virginia,  Sleuben  was 
stationed  with  about  six  hundred  militia.  In  the 
mean  time,  Lord  Cornwallis  had  abandoned  his 
conquests  in  Carolina,  to  carry  out  the  ministerial 
plan  of  subduing  Virginia,  and  was  now  at  Halifax 
in  North  Carolina,  whilst  General  Wayne,  with  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  was  marching  from  Jersey  to 
reinforce  the  Marquis,  although  still  a  long  dis 
tance  off. 

The  first  purpose  of  Lord  Cornwallis  was  to 
effect  his  junction  with  the  force  under  General 
Arnold.  In  obedience  to  his  orders,  therefore,  the 
fleet  again  turned,  and  the  latter  officer  took  posses 
sion  of  Petersburg.  On  the  18th,  General  Muhlen- 
berg,  with  five  hundred  men  of  his  brigade,  success 
fully  performed  the  delicate  duty  of  escorting  a 
large  quantity  of  ammunition,  destined  for  the 
southern  army,  through  the  outposts  of  the  enemy." 
Some  sharp  skirmishing  ensued,  but  the  object 
was  accomplished,  and  the  detachment  returned 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  257 

with  but  little  loss.  On  the  20th,  the  junction 
between  Cornwallis  and  Arnold  was  effected  at 
Petersburg,  and  the  enemy's  superiority  in  num 
bers  was  now  so  overwhelming,  that  Lafayette's 
only  course  was  to  retreat  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

This  he  did,  still  keeping  in  such  a  position  as  to 
somewhat  cover  the  depots  at  Fredericksburg  and 
Charlotteville,  whilst  Steuben  was  busily  engaged 
in  transporting  the  stores  from  the  Point  of  Fork, 
covering  the  removal  with  his  militia.  In  the  mean 
time  Lafayette  was  anxiously  expecting  the  arrival 
of  General  Wayne.  On  the  23d  he  writes :  "  Is  it 
not  strange  that  General  Wayne's  detachment  can 
not  be  heard  of?  They  are  to  go  to  Carolina,  but 
should  I  want  them  for  a  few  days,  I  am  at  liberty 
to  keep  them.  This  permission  I  will  improve  so 
far  as  to  receive  one  blow,  that  being  beat,  I  may 
at  least  be  beat  with  some  decency.  If  the  Penn- 
sylvanians  come,  Lord  Cornwallis  shall  pay  some 
thing  for  his  victory." 

This  reinforcement  was  farther  off  than  he  ex 
pected,  and  he  consequently  retreated  until  he 
reached  the  Rappahannock  above  its  junction  with 
the  Rapidan.  During  the  whole  of  this  fatiguing 
retreat  he  was  closely  pushed  by  Cornwallis,  but 
22* 


258  MEMOIR  OF 

constantly  evaded  the  blow.  He  was,  however, 
unable  to  prevent  detachments  of  mounted  men, 
under  Colonels  Tarleton  and  Simcoe,  from  penetra 
ting  the  country  in  all  directions,  and  destroying 
the  stores  and  munitions  of  war  of  the  American 
army.  One  detachment  even  advanced  to  Char 
lotte,  and  the  Legislature  escaped  capture  only 
by  having  received  timely  notice  of  Tarleton's 
march.  The  establishment  at  the  Point  of  Fork 
was  also  destroyed,  Baron  Steuben  being  compelled 
to  retreat.  He  succeeded,  however,  in  saving  the 
greater  part  of  the  stores. 

On  the  10th  of  June,  General  Wayne,  with  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  about  nine  hundred  strong,  joined 
the  Marquis,  and  Cornwallis,  alarmed  at  his  distance 
from  his  shipping,  commenced  retracing  his  steps. 
He  was  followed  by  General  Lafayette,  who,  by 
a  forced  march,  succeeded  in  throwing  himself 
between  the  enemy  and  Albemarle  Court-house,  to 
which  place  the  American  stores  had  been  re 
moved.  His  force  was  too  strong  for  attack  in  the 
favourable  position  they  had  selected,  and  foiled  in 
his  object,  Lord  Cornwallis  commenced  his  re 
treat  to  Richmond,  and  from  thence  to  Yorktown. 
Strengthened  by  the  militia  under  Baron  Steuben, 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  259 

General  Lafayette's  force  was  now  about  four 
thousand  men,  of  whom  half  were  regulars.  This 
was  sufficient  to  hang  on  the  enemy's  rear,  and 
considerably  harass  his  retreat. 

But  the  British  commander  did  not  retreat 
without  showing  his  teeth.  His  army  halted  at 
Richmond,  and  General  Lafayette  took  up  a  strong 
position  on  Allen  Creek,  twenty-two  miles  distant, 
detaching  his  light  troops  close  to  the  enemy's 
advanced  posts.  Colonel  Tarleton,  who  command 
ed  the  one  at  Meadow  Bridge,  believing,  from  the 
information  he  had  received  of  the  situation  of 
General  Muhlenberg's  corps,  which  was  advanced 
from  the  main  body,  that  an  advantageous  attack 
might  be  made,  was  detached  on  the  18th  with  a 
large  force  to  make  the  attempt.100  The  General, 
however,  gained  timely  notice  of  the  movement, 
although  Tarleton's  advance  was  secret,  and  fall 
ing  back  upon  Lafayette,  met  a  detachment  under 
General  Wayne  advancing  to  his  assistance.  It 
was  now  Tarleton's  turn  to  retreat,  and  in  the 
skirmishing  which  ensued,  several  prisoners  were 
taken.  This,  says  Colonel  Lee,  "  was  the  first 
advantage  we  had  gained  in  these  active  opera 
tions."  On  the  20th,  Richmond  was  evacuated. 


260  MEMOIR  OF 

and  Lord  Cornvvallis  continued  his  retreat  to  York- 
town,  closely  followed  by  Lafayette. 

The  orders  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  undoubtedly 
caused  this  movement  of  the  British  forces  in  Vir 
ginia.  He  was  apprehensive  that  a  combined 
French  and  American  attack  would  be  made  upon 
New  York,  and  therefore  desired  Cornwallis,  after 
establishing  a  fortified  post  at  York  or  Williams- 
burg,  to  reinforce  him  with  all  the  troops  that 
could  be  spared.  The  latter  officer  thought  that 
the  destruction  of  Virginia  should  still  remain  the 
primary  object,  and  this  difference  of  opinion  was 
most  probably  the  cause  of  his  languid  movements, 
as  he  did  not  wish  to  engage  in  any  active  ope 
rations  which  might  interfere  with  the  ultimate 
designs  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  This  reason,  no 
doubt,  saved  the  army  of  General  Lafayette  upon 
several  occasions  ;  but  at  Greenspring  he  had 
nearly  fallen  into  a  snare  laid  for  him  by  his 
able  antagonist,  which  would  have  proved  fatal. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  in  executing  the  orders  of  his 
superior,  preferred  that  the  embarkation  should 
take  place  from  Portsmouth,  which  place  he  in 
tended  to  strengthen  and  hold  as  the  fortified  post 
recommended.  After  halting  several  days  at  Wil- 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  261 

liamsburg,  he  made  preparations  for  crossing  James 
River  at  James  City.  Believing  that  a  young  and 
enterprising  adversary  like  the  Marquis,  who  was 
then  within  a  few  miles,  would  endeavour  to  cut 
off  his  rearguard,  he  took  his  measures  accord 
ingly,  and  so  thoroughly  deceived  the  American 
commander,  that  the  latter  felt  certain  that  nothing 
save  a  strong  covering  party  remained  on  the 
north  bank,  although  the  fact  was  that  no  portion 
of  the  troops  had  as  yet  crossed.  Acting  upon 
this  belief,  on  the  evening  of  the  6th  of  July, 
General  Lafayette  pushed  forward,  intending  to 
attack  this  party.  General  Wayne,  who  had  been 
equally  deceived,  led  the  advance,  and  pressing 
forward  with  his  usual  impetuosity,  was  soon  hotly 
engaged.  The  weight  of  the  fire,  however,  quickly 
convinced  General  Lafayette  that  instead  of  a  mere 
rearguard  the  whole  British  army  was  before  him, 
and  he  therefore  endeavoured  to  retire  from  the 
unequal  contest  as  rapidly  as  possible.  This,  how 
ever  had  now  become  difficult;  General  Wayne 
was  warmly  pressed  by  the  enemy,  his  flanks  were 
nearly  enveloped,  and  without  the  aid  of  some 
assisting  force  it  was  highly  improbable  that  his 
extrication  could  be  effected.  At  this  critical 


262  MEMOIR.  OF 

moment  the  brigade  of  General  Muhlenberg  ar 
rived.  He  had  also  been  convinced  by  the  weight 
of  the  fire  that  the  Marquis  had  been  deceived, 
and  marching  his  troops  without  orders  to  the 
scene  of  action,  arrived  in  time  to  save  the  ad 
vance  from  capture  or  a  total  rout.  Lafayette, 
whose  military  genius  enabled  him  to  repair  the 
mistake  he  had  committed,  took  advantage  of 
this  opportune  arrival,  and  the  Pennsylvanians 
were  extricated  from  their  perilous  situation,  but 
with  the  loss  of  three  of  their  field-pieces.  The 
Americans  fell  back  to  their  former  position ;  and 
during  the  night  the  enemy  crossed  to  James  Island, 
and  from  thence  to  the  south  bank.  Their  ground 
at  Greenspring  and  the  Island  was  successively 
occupied  by  General  Muhlenberg,  who  was  now 
thrown  in  advance,  and  many  valuable  horses,  of 
which  our  army  stood  much  in  need,  were  cap 
tured  by  him.101 

The  strength  and  composition  of  the  American 
army  at  this  time  are  thus  given  in  a  letter103 
from  Colonel  Febiger  to  Colonel  Bland.  Regulars: 
Wayne's  brigade,  seven  hundred  and  fifty ;  Muh- 
lenberg's,  eight  hundred ;  Febiger's  regiment,  four 
hundred  and  twenty-five.  Militia  :  Campbell's 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  263 

brigade,  seven  hundred  and  eighty ;  Stephen's,  six 
hundred  and  fifty ;  and  Lawson's,  seven  hundred 
and  fifty;  together  with  about  one  hundred  cavalry, 
three  hundred  artillery,  and  five  field-pieces.  From 
this  estimate,  the  loss  at  Greenspring  must  be  de 
ducted.  It  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  eighteen 
regulars,  principally  from  Wayne's  brigade. 

The  enemy  now  pursued  their  march  to  Ports 
mouth,  which  upon  examination  was  found  ill 
suited  for  their  purpose,  as  the  works  erected 
and  to  be  erected  were  useless  against  a  naval 
force.  Lord  Cornwallis  was  therefore  obliged  to 
return  to  Yorktown,  the  place  originally  selected 
by  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  After  destroying  the  forti 
fications  at  Portsmouth  he  sailed  to  York,  where 
he  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  August,  and  imme 
diately  commenced  fortifying  both  it  and  Gloster, 
which  was  directly  opposite.  General  Lafayette 
remained  with  the  main  body  in  the  vicinity  of 
Williamsburg,  and  General  Wayne  was  on  the 
southern  bank  of  the  river,  where  he  had  been 
detached  to  attack  Tarleton,  who  had  made  an 
excursion  to  Bedford  to  destroy  the  stores  there 
collected  for  General  Greene. 

The  plan  of  a  combined  French  and  American 


264  MEMOIR  OF 

attack  upon  Yorktown  had  already  been  adopted, 
and  on  the  28th  of  August  the  fleet  of  the  Count 
de  Grasse  arrived  in  the  bay,  conveying  a  con 
siderable  body  of  land  troops,  under  the  Marquis 
de  St.  Simon,  who  were  forthwith  disembarked. 
The  English  fleet  appeared  inside  of  the  capes  on 
the  5th  of  September,  but  from  inferiority  of  force 
were  unable  to  effect  anything  ;  they  therefore 
returned  to  New  York  to  escort  the  reinforcements 
which  had  been  promised  to  Lord  Cornwallis  by 
Sir  Henry  Clinton.  General  Washington  and  the 
Count  de  Rochambeau  were  now  on  their  march 
at  the  head  of  the  allied  forces,  and  everything 
promised  a  happy  result  of  the  great  undertaking. 
Cornwallis  still  continued  strengthening  his  fortifi 
cations  by  every  means  in  his  power,  while  Lafay 
ette's  army  remained  in  the  vicinity  of  Williams- 
burg,  General  Muhlenberg,  with  about  one  thousand 
men,  being  advanced  to  the  lines  of  Yorktown. 

Lafayette's  great  duty  now  was  to  prevent  his 
antagonist  from  retreating  by  land,  for  if  he  was 
forced  to  remain  in  Yorktown  until  the  arrival  of 
General  Washington,  his  fate  was  certain.  Great 
danger  was  apprehended  of  his  crossing  James 
River,  and  endeavouring  to  retreat  southwardly 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  265 

through  North  Carolina;  and  to  counteract  this 
design,  General  Muhlenberg  was  thrown  across 
the  river,  and  assigned  the  responsible  duty  of 
opposing  the  attempt  if  made.  Judge  Johnson  in 
his  Life  of  Greene  says :  "  Although  the  move 
ment  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  with  a  view  to  retreat 
southwardly,  is  not  mentioned  by  any  historian 
of  the  war,  yet  the  intelligence  came  from  Lafay 
ette  and  Muhlenberg,  through  Governor  Burke, 
and  there  is  little  reason  to  doubt  its  reality.  It 
is  known  that  Lafayette  actually  moved  to  the 
bank  of  James  River  to  counteract  such  a  move 
ment,  and  Muhlenberg  was  thrown  across  the 
river  to  place  himself  in  Lord  Cornwallis's  front; 
not  with  a  hope  of  resisting  him  in  his  progress, 
but,  as  Muhlenberg  declares,  «  with  a  view  to 
precede  him,  and  by  destroying  all  the  means  of 
subsistence  and  transportation,  to  impede  his  pro 
gress  until  he  could  be  overtaken  by  a  force 
competent  to  deal  with  him.'  Upon  the  first  in 
telligence  of  this  movement  of  Lord  Cornwallis, 
the  most  animated  measures  were  adopted  by 
Governor  Burke  of  North  Carolina  to  co-operate 
with  Muhlenberg.  Every  boat  on  the  Roanoke, 
Neuse,  and  Meherrin,  was  secured  under  guard 
23 


206  MEMOIR  OF 

or  destroyed,  every  crossing-place  guarded  and 
crossed  by  abatis,  and  the  militia  ordered  out 
'en  masse.'  "  The  following  extract  of  a  letter,103 
from  General  Muhlenberg  to  Brigadier-General 
Jones,  dated  August  29th,  1781,  confirms  the  fact 
above  stated  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt.  Its 
publication  may  be  useful,  inasmuch  as  it  esta 
blishes  a  point  which  has  been  passed  over  in 
silence,  and  even  denied  by  many  writers  who 
have  treated  of  our  revolutionary  history. 

"  DEAR.  GENERAL, — 

"  The  Marquis  has  received  certain  intelligence 
that  Lord  Cornwallis  means  to  penetrate  with  his 
army  from  York  to  South  Carolina  by  land,  to 
avoid  being  locked  up  by  the  French  West  India 
fleet,  which  is  now  on  the  coast.  The  Marquis 
directs  me  to  give  you  this  information,  and  re 
quests  you  immediately  to  collect  every  boat  and 
canoe  on  Roanoke  below  Halifax,  and  have  them 
either  brought  there  or  destroyed.  Those  brought 
to  Halifax  must  be  kept  under  a  guard,  that  they 
may  be  either  removed  or  destroyed  as  circum 
stances  may  render  necessary,  and  you  will  be 
pleased  to  use  the  same  precaution  on  Meherrin 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  267 

River.  I  am  just  arrived  at  this  place,  in  order  to 
collect  the  militia  on  the  south  side  of  James  River, 
and  shall,  as  soon  as  the  enemy  begin  their  move 
ments,  endeavour  to  throw  as  many  obstacles  in 
their  way,  by  destroying  bridges,  mills,  provisions, 
&c.,as  possible,  and  as  soon  as  I  am  able  to  ascer 
tain  their  route,  I  shall  give  you  immediate  notice, 
retreat  before  them,  and  endeavour  to  form  a  junc 
tion  with  you  on  Roanoke.  Should  the  enemy 
have  sent  armed  boats,  or  established  magazines 
in  any  place  in  North  Carolina,  (particularly  New- 
bern,)  the  Marquis  requests  you  will  endeavour  to 
destroy  them. 

"  I  have,  my  dear  sir,  just  given  you  a  sketch  of 
our  plan.  The  main  body  is  now  moving  towards 
James  River,  but  will  not  cross  until  his  Lordship 
moves;  but  I  make  no  doubt  that  if  your  militia 
and  those  from  this  place  turn  out  well,  \ve  shall  be 
able  to  keep  his  Lordship  at  bay  at  Roanoke,  until 
our  main  army  can  get  up.  I  shall  be  happy  to 
hear  from  you  as  soon  as  possible.  I  shall  give 
you  immediate  notice  of  the  enemy's  move." 

Whether  these  active  preparations  deterred  Lord 
Cornwallis  from  making  the  attempt,  or  whether 


268  MEMOIR  OF 

he  relied  so  implicitly  upon  the  promised  reinforce 
ments  from  New  York,  as  to  remain  where  he  was, 
cannot  now  be  ascertained ;  but  certain  it  is,  that 
the  attempt  was  not  made,  and  on  the  14th  of  Sep 
tember,  General  Washington  and  Count  Rocham- 
beau  arrived  at  Williamsburg. 

Some  little  time  wns  taken  up  in  awaiting  the 
arrival  and  disembarkation  of  the  two  divisions  of 
the  allied  army,  and  of  the  battering  train,  which 
had  been  sent  in  the  division  of  the  fleet  from 
Rhode  Island.  These  matters  being  arranged,  and 
the  plan  of  attack  settled,  the  troops  moved  for 
ward  from  Williamsburg  to  York,  and  on  the  29lh 
the  investiture  of  the  place  was  completed. 

After  his  return  from  the  southern  bank,  where 
he  had  not  been  long  detained,  General  Muhlenberg 
again  assumed  the  command  of  the  advanced  guard 
on  the  lines  of  Yorktown,  \vhere  he  had  been  posted 
by  Lafayette.  Upon  him,  therefore,  devolved  the 
very  responsible  duty  of  watching  the  enemy's 
movements,  and  confining  them  to  Yorktown  until 
the  arrival  of  the  allied  army.  The  position  was 
one  of  great  danger,  requiring  unceasing  vigilance; 
for  it  was  not  to  be  supposed  that  Lord  Cornwallis 
would  quietly  await  the  arrival  of  his  captors;  and 


GEiNERAL  MUHLENBERG.  269 

had  he  made  an  attempt  to  escape,  the  whole 
weight  of  the  blow  would  have  fallen  on  the  Ame 
rican  advance,  to  whom  the  least  negligence  might 
have  been  fatal.  The  following  letter  to  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  gives  an  idea  of  the  constant  watch 
fulness  required  by  General  Muhlenberg's  situation. 

"  Harwell's  Mills,  Sept.  23d,  1781. 
"SiK, 

"  Since  the  evening  before  last,  I  have  not  been 
able  to  procure  the  least  intelligence  from  York, 
neither  have  we  had  a  deserter  from  the  enemy 
since  that  time.  I  have  had  parties  continually  on 
the  Hampton,  Warwick,  and  Halfway-house  Roads, 
who  have  been  within  sight  of  iheir  pickets,  but 
none  of  the  enemy  have  been  out.  It  is  certain  that 
the  number  of  shipping  is  much  diminished  at  York; 
but  whether  they  attempted  to  get  out  the  night  be 
fore  last,  or  whether  the  enemy  have  sunk  them  in 
the  channel,  I  cannot  yet  find  out.  A  large  smoke 
was  seen  yesterday  morning  before  York,  which 
has  occasioned  a  report  that  the  enemy  have  burnt 
some  of  their  shipping. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c." 

The  only  hope  of  Lord  Cornwallis  now  remain- 
23* 


270  MEMOJil  OF 

ing,  was  that  he  would  be  enabled  to  hold  his  posi 
tion  until  the  arrival  of  the  promised  reinforcements. 
He  therefore  defended  himself  desperately,  but  the 
American  advances  were  distinguished  equally  by 
energy  and  rapidity.  On  the  6th,  the  first  parallel 
was  run,  and  on  the  9th,  fifty-two  pieces  of  heavy 
artillery  opened  upon  the  besieged.  On  the  1 1th,  the 
second  parallel  was  run  within  three  hundred  yards 
of  the  works;  and  on  the  night  of  the  15th,  the 
enemy's  two  flank  redoubts,  known  as  "  the  twin 
batteries,"  were  stormed  and  taken  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet.  The  one  was  attacked  by  the  French 
grenadiers  under  the  Baron  de  Viomenil,  and  the 
other  by  the  American  light  infantry,  under  the 
general  command  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette. 
This  brilliant  exploit  terminated  the  siege.  The 
place  was  no  longer  defensible ;  and  despairing  of 
being  reinforced,  on  the  17th  a  parley  was  beaten, 
and  on  the  19th  Yorktown  surrendered. 

This  assault,  however,  requires  a  more  extended 
notice  in  this  sketch,  in  order  that  the  justice  which 
has  been  so  long  denied,  may  now  be  done  to  Ge 
neral  Muhlenberg's  conduct  upon  this  occasion.  If, 
in  the  course  of  the  narrative,  it  should  seem  that 
an  attempt  is  making  to  detract  from  the  well- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBEKG.  271 

earned  reputation  of  Colonel  Hamilton,  the  writer 
can  only  say,  that  nothing  could  be  farther  from 
his  intention,  and  that  his  simple  object  is  to  arrive 
at  the  truth  as  nearly  as  possible,  and  do  justice 
between  these  parties. 

It  is  now  generally  stated  and  believed,  that  the 
American  light  infantry  who  stormed  the  redoubt 
on  the  left  of  the  British  works,  were  commanded 
by  Colonel  Hamilton ;  and  he  has  accordingly  re 
ceived  the  honour  deservedly  due  to  so  brilliant  an 
exploit.  Such,  however,  was  not  the  fact ;  for  the 
immediate  command  of  the  storming  party  was 
beyond  all  doubt  entrusted  to  General  Muhlenberg, 
whose  brigade  composed  it;  and  the  gallant  manner 
in  which  the  attack  was  executed,  would  form  a 
bright  page  in  the  military  history  of  any  nation. 

Colonel  Hamilton,  after  having  quarrelled  with 
the  Commander-in-chief,  threw  up  his  appointment 
on  the  general  staff,  and  joined  Lafayette  in  Vir 
ginia,  who  gave  him  a  regiment  in  the  brigade  of 
light  infantry  commanded  by  General  Muhlenberg. 
The  date  of  his  commission  made  him  the  senior 
colonel.  To  this  brigade  and  that  of  Hazen  was 
assigned  the  duty  of  attacking  the  redoubt,  the 
whole  under  the  command  of  General  Muhlenberg. 


272  MEMOIR.  OF 

The  light  infantry  brigade  was  composed  of  the 
regiments  of  Hamilton,  Gimat,  Barber,  and  Vose, 
and  were  disposed  in  the  following  order.  The 
advanced  corps  consisted  of  Gimat's  and  Hamil 
ton's  regiments,  the  whole  commanded  by  the  latter; 
whilst  at  the  usual  distance  in  the  rear  came  the 
remainder  of  the  column,  consisting  of  Barber's 
and  Vose's  regiments,  and  Hazen's  brigade,  under 
the  immediate  command  of  General  Muhlenberg. 
Almost  at  the  moment  of  the  attack,  thinking  the 
advance  not  sufficiently  strong,  he  despatched 
Colonel  Barber's  regiment  to  its  aid,  which  arrived 
at  the  instant  the  advance  were  getting  over  the 
works,  and  executed  its  orders  with  the  greatest 
gallantry.  This  little  incident  alone  would  be  suf 
ficient  to  show  that  Colonel  Hamilton  could  not 
possibly  have  been  in  chief  command,  even  if  his 
advocates  could  explain  the  military  novelty  of  a 
colonel  commanding  his  own  general.  At  the  same 
time,  high  praise  is  undoubtedly  due  to  Colonel 
Hamilton,  who  commanded  the  advance  or  forlorn 
hope  of  the  storming  party.  He  executed  his  orders 
with  the  utmost  gallantry  and  skill,  carrying  his 
men  over  the  breach  and  into  the  works  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet.  But  his  over-zealous  political 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  273 

friends,  who  claimed  the  chief  command  for  him 
until  the  country  nearly  believed  it,  only  injured 
his  well-earned  reputation  by  claiming  that  for  him 
which  he  undoubtedly  did  not  possess.  General 
Muhlenberg,  after  entering  the  redoubt,  was  slightly- 
wounded:  the  only  despatch,  therefore,  reporting  ils 
capture,  was  the  one  written  by  Colonel  Hamilton, 
as  senior  officer  of  the  brigade,  and  commander  of 
the  advance  of  the  storming  party.  This  fact  may 
perhaps  account  for  this  unfounded  claim,  as  it  cer 
tainly  gave  it  some  colour. 

It  may  not  be  improper  here  to  state  another 
fact  bearing  upon  this  point,  which  although  de 
pending  upon  verbal  testimony,  can  be  easily  esta 
blished.  Major  Isaac  Heydt,  lately  deceased,  who 
resided  in  Frederick  County,  Virginia,  was  one  of 
General  Muhlenberg's  aids  during  this  campaign. 
He  assured  the  writer  in  1840,  that  General  Muh 
lenberg,  accompanied  by  his  staff,  advanced  at  the 
head  of  the  reinforcement,  (Barber's  regiment,)  and 
in  person  led  the  storming  party.  This  testimony, 
coming  from  one  of  the  few  surviving  actors  in  the 
scene,  is  valuable ;  and  corresponding,  as  it  does, 
with  the  official  account  in  part,  the  remainder  is 
rendered  more  probable. 


274  MEMOIR  OF 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  Lafayette's  offi 
cial  report,  detailing  the  disposition  of  the  troops,104 
and  it  is  hard  to  perceive  how  any  other  con 
clusions  can  be  drawn  from  it,  than  those  above. 
"  Colonel  Gimat's  battalion  led  the  van,  and  was 
followed  by  that  of  Colonel  Hamilton,  who  com 
manded  the  whole  advanced  corps;  at  the  same 
time  a  party  of  eighty  men  under  Colonel  Laurens, 
turned  the  redoubt.  *  #.  *  Colonel  Barber's  batta 
lion,  which  was  the  first  in  the  supporting  column, 
being  detached  to  the  aid  of  the  advance,  arrived 
at  the  moment  they  were  getting  over  the  works, 
and  executed  their  orders  with  the  utmost  alacrity. 
The  rest  of  the  column  under  Generals  Muhlenberg 
and  Hazen,  advanced  with  admirable  firmness  and 
discipline.  Colonel  Vose's  battalion  displayed  to 
the  left,  a  part  of  the  division  successively  dressing 
by  him,  whilst  a  second  line  was  forming  column 
in  the  rear.  It  adds  greatly  to  the  character  of  the 
troops,  that  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  they  dis 
played  and  took  their  ranks  with  perfect  silence 
and  order." 

This  view  of  the  facts  has  been  before  stated,  but 
many  circumstances  prevented  General  Muhlen- 
berg's  just  claims  from  being  pressed.  Among  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  275 

most  prominent  of  these  was  the  tragic  death 
of  General  Hamilton,  which,  in  obedience  to  the 
maxim  of  "  nil  de  mortuis,"  prevented  all  contro 
versy.  The  following  extracts  may,  however,  not 
be  unacceptable.  The  first  is  from  the  Aurora, 
when  edited  by  the  venerable  Duane,  and  was 
never  replied  to.  "  Among  the  Germans,  the  man 
most  celebrated  was  General  Peter  Muhlenberg, 
who  had  distinguished  revolutionary  services  to  be 
proud  of,  but  who  has  been  the  last  ever  to  name, 
and  the  most  reluctant  to  hear  them  spoken  of. 
General  Muhlenberg,  now  in  the  advance  of  life, 
with  the  resolution  of  a  lion  when  in  danger,  and 
with  a  highly  cultivated  mind,  displays  the  sim 
plicity  of  one  unacquainted  with  human  affairs,  and 
unsuspecting  of  human  infirmities.  This  man  it 
was,  who,  at  the  memorable  siege  of  Yorktown, 
achieved  that  laurel,  with  which  a  certain  orator  at 
New  York  wished  to  ornament  the  tomb  of  a  man,  of 
whom,  being  dead,  we  shall  not  speak  irreverently." 
The  next  is  from  "Rogers'  Remembrancer  of  Ame 
rican  Heroes,  Statesmen,  and  Sages,"  a  work 
published  in  the  early  part,  of  the  present  century. 
44  General  Muhlenberg  was  a  particular  favourite  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  and  he  was  one  of  those 


27  (>  MEMOIR  OF 

brave  men  in  whose  coolness,  decision  of  character, 
and  undaunted  resolution,  he  could  ever  rely.  It 
has  been  asserted,  with  some  degree  of  confidence, 
that  it  was  General  Muhlenberg  who  commanded 
the  American  storming  party  at  Yorktovvn,  the 
honour  of  which  station  has  been  attributed  by  the 
different  histories  of  the  Revolution  to  another  per 
son.  It  is,  however,  a  well-known  fact,  that  he 
acted  a  distinguished  and  brave  part  at  that  siege." 

Other  extracts  of  a  similar  character  might  be 
inserted,  but  it  is  unnecessary.  The  writer  has 
endeavoured  to  perform  an  act  of  simple  justice ; 
that  done,  his  object  is  accomplished. 

On  the  19th  the  capitulation  of  Cornwallis105 — 
one  of  the  proudest  events  in  American  history — 
took  place,  and  the  Revolution  was  now  virtually 
accomplished. 

General  Mnhlenberg  continued  in  the  army  until 
the  treaty  of  peace  in  1783.  All  active  operations, 
however,  \vere  suspended,  except  those  in  the  far 
South,  and  a  brief  notice  will,  therefore,  be  sufficient 
for  this  portion  of  his  career. 

His  health  having  suffered  severely  in  this  cam 
paign,  he  requested  permission  from  General  Wash 
ington  to  return  to  his  family  until  it  should  be 


GENERAL  HUHLENBERG.  277 

re-established,  in  the  following  letter,  in  which  he 
very  modestly  alludes  to  his  constant  service. 

"  Williamsburg,  Oct.  23d,  1781. 
"  SIR,— 

"  A  few  days  ago,  I  received  permission  from 
Major-General  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  to  retire 
to  this  place  for  the  recovery  of  my  health  ;  the 
constant  and  violent  fever  I  have  had  for  the  ten 
days  past,  has  not  only  reduced  me  very  much,  but 
I  am  afraid  if  it  continues  much  longer,  will  put 
it  out  of  my  power  to  remove  for  some  time.  I 
would,  therefore,  request  your  Excellency's  permis 
sion  to  go  over  the  mountains,  as  I  have  at  present 
an  opportunity  to  make  use  of  a  carriage  going 
that  way. 

"  Your  Excellency  will  please  to  remember  that 
I  had  obtained  permission  to  visit  my  family  in  the 
spring  of  1779,  but  was  prevented  by  General 
Woodford's  remaining  longer  in  Virginia  than  was 
expected.  In  November,  1779,  I  obtained  your 
Excellency's  permission  again,  but  was  stopped  in 
Philadelphia  by  the  Board  of  War,  when  the  Vir 
ginia  line  was  ordered  to  Charleston.  Since  that 
time  I  obtained  permission  from  Baron  Steuben  to 
24 


278  MEMOIR  OF 

* 

go  home  for  a  time,  but  had  been  there  only  three 
days,  when  I  was  recalled  by  express,  at  the  time 
when  Arnold  invaded  the  state. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c." 

His  request  was  of  course  complied  with,  for  few 
officers  could  show  such  an  uninterrupted  length  of 
service,  and  that,  too,  of  so  severe  a  nature.  His 
family  still  continued  to  reside  in  Woodstock,  and 
he  remained  with  them  until  the  following  spring. 
In  February,  1782,  he  wrote  to  General  Hand, 
then  Adjutant-General,  that,  "  having  somewhat 
recovered,"  he  would  be  pleased  to  receive  any 
orders  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  requested  to 
be  sent  to  South  Carolina,106  where  the  army  under 
General  Greene  was  still  engaged  in  active  hos 
tilities.  General  Washington,  however,  replied, 
saying,  "  As  there  cannot  be  at  present  any  com 
mand  for  you  in  the  southern  army,  you  cannot  be 
so  well  employed  as  in  superintending  the  recruit 
ing  service,  which  I  desire  you  to  undertake."  He 
further  says  :  "  I  cannot  proceed  to  point  out  your 
line  of  conduct  particularly;  I  can  only  recommend 
a  strict  conformity  with  the  law,  and  make  an 
earnest  request  that  the  recruits  may  be  drawn  to 


GENERAL   MUHLENBERG.  275) 

the  place  of  general  rendezvous  as  soon  as  possible." 
He  was  thus  again  thrown  into  the  same  position 
he  had  occupied  in  1780,  General  Greene  still 
relying  for  his  reinforcements  and  supplies  upon 
Virginia.  But  the  importance  of  the  command 
was  much  lessened,  by  the  fact  that  for  the  future 
no  attack  upon  the  state  need  be  feared. 

Cumberland  Old  Court-house,  a  few  miles  south  of 
James  River,  had  been  appointed  the  place  of  gene 
ral  rendezvous,  Colonel  Febiger  being  there  in  com 
mand.  General  Muhlenberg  immediately  proceeded 
thither,  despatched  officers  in  various  directions 
with  recruiting  instructions,  and  established  rules, 
which  introduced  o  der  and  regularity  into  the 
system  ;  at  the  same  time  he  ordered  a  general 
court-martial  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  the 
officers,  many  of  whom  had  been  long  absent  with 
out  leave.  By  thus  drawing  the  reins  of  discipline 
tighter,  he  succeeded  in  putting  the  line  upon  a 
more  respectable  footing.  The  Assembly  shortly 
afterwards  passed  a  bill  for  raising  three  thousand 
regulars,  the  superintendence  of  which  was  entrust 
ed  to  General  Muhlenberg.  On  the  3d  of  July  he 
writes  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  saying  that, 
"  From  the  plan  they  have  adopted,  1  flatter  myself 


280  MEMOIR  OF 

we  shall  meet  with  better  success  than  heretofore." 
The  same  letter  contains  a  passage  showing  the 
great  difficulties  American  officers  had  experienced 
throughout  the  whole  war,  arising  from  the  obstruc 
tion  of  transportation.  In  March,  the  General  had 
been  notified  that  a  supply  of  clothing  had  been 
sent  him,  and  he  now  had  a  detachment  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men  ready  to  march  to  General 
Greene's  head-quarters,  who  were  only  detained  by 
its  non-arrival.  He  says  :  "  Should  General  Greene 
order  them  to  march  before  the  clothing  arrives,  he 
will  be  astonished  to  see  so  ragged  a  corps  coming 
from  Virginia." 

In  a  letter  to  General  Washington,  dated  August 
15th,  1782,  the  following  passage  occurs:  "I  beg 
to  inform  your  Excellency  that,  after  I  had  been  at 
the  trouble  of  sending  out  recruiting  officers,  and 
visiting  the  different  posts,  I  was  compelled  to 
relinquish  the  finest  prospects  of  success,  and  by  an 
order  from  the  Governor,  to  recall  the  recruiting 
officers,  because  it  was  found  impracticable  to  pro 
cure  the  promised  bounty-money.  Our  whole  de 
pendence  at  present  is  on  the  Act  passed  last  session 
for  raising  three  thousand  men  by  draft."  Pressed 
upon  all  sides  as  General  Muhlenberg  was  with 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  581 

demands  for  reinforcements,  it  must  have  been 
highly  discouraging,  after  having  taken  the  mea 
sures  he  had,  to  be  obliged  to  give  up  his  hopes  of 
success  on  account  of  the  poverty  of  the  treasury. 
It  was,  however,  but  one  of  the  many  annoyances 
of  a  similar  nature  to  which  he  was  subjected 
during  his  long  command  in  Virginia. 

The  following  letters,107  which  passed  between 
Generals  Muhlenberg  and  Greene,  relative  to  the 
reinforcement  of  the  southern  army,  present  a  vivid 
picture  of  the  then  existing  state  of  things,  and  will 
be  read  with  interest.  They  show  that  although 
lessened  in  importance,  the  command  of  the  former 
was  by  no  means  a  sinecure. 

"  Head-quarters,  Round  O,  Dec.  27tli,  1781. 
"  DEAR  Sin, — 

"  I  have  not  had  a  line  from  you  for  a  long  time. 
The  late  successes  in  Virginia,  and  the  new  ar 
rangements  there,  leave  me  at  a  loss  how  or  where 
to  address  myself  upon  matters  that  concern  the 
line  of  your  state. 

"  Captain  Ragsdale,  by  whom  this  will  be  de 
livered  you,  comes  on  the  most  pressing  emergency 
to  solicit  aid  from  Virginia,  for  the  support  of  our 
24* 


28:2  MEMOIH  OF 

army.  The  enemy  are  in  daily  expectation  of  very 
large  reinforcements  from  New  York  and  Ireland, 
which  will  make  them  so  very  formidable,  as  to 
leave  us  little  or  no  hopes  of  holding  any  footing  in 
this  country,  without  speedy  reinforcements.  I  beg 
you,  therefore,  if  you  have  this  business  in  charge, 
to  forward  us  every  man  fit  for  duty.  The  terms 
of  service  of  most  of  your  line  here  have  expired. 

"  I  am  told  Colonel  Frazer,  from  ill  health,  or 
from  matters  of  interest,  is  not  willing  to  come  to 
this  country.  Should  this  be  the  case,  and  Colonel 
Matthews  is  exchanged,  I  wish  he  may  have  the 
command  of  the  first  troops  that  march.  I  have 
written  to  the  Governor  for  two  thousand  militia  to 
reinforce  us,  if  Continental  or  state  troops  cannot 
be  immediately  levied.  I  beg  you  to  have  them 
forwarded  without  loss  of  time — everything  depends 
upon  speedy  reinforcements. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir, 
"  Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"  N.  GREENE. 
"General  Muhlenberg." 

"Richmond,  May  25th,  1782. 
"  DEAR  GENERAL, — 

"I  did  myself  the  honour  to  write  to  you  in  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  283 

beginning  of  this  month,  and  enclosed  a  return  of 
the  men  at  Cumberland.  Since  that  time  we  have 
received  some  small  reinforcements,  among  the  rest 
a  detachment  of  seventy  rank  and  file  from  the 
eastern  shore.  I  am  in  daily  expectation  of  re 
ceiving  clothing  from  Philadelphia,  and  as  soon  as 
it  arrives,  I  hope  to  equip  and  send  on  two  hundred 
men.  The  House  of  Assembly  are  now  sitting,  but 
have  done  nothing  yet  of  any  consequence,  except 
entering  into  some  spirited  resolves  against  any 
private  negotiation  with  the  enemy,  and  against 
any  negotiations  contrary  to  our  alliances  and 
federal  union.  They  likewise  resolve  to  exert 
the  whole  power  of  the  state  against  the  enemy, 
this  campaign.  How  far  they  will  comply  with 
the  last,  time  will  evince.  Your  letter  of  the  6th 
instant  was  this  day  laid  before  the  House,  and  is 
now  under  consideration. 

"  You  have,  no  doubt,  heard  that  Great  Britain 
is  again  making  proposals  to  treat  with  America, 
but  still  in  the  old  style.  They  have  appointed 
Commissioners,  who  are  authorized  to  treat  with 
Congress,  Assemblies,  or  even  individuals.  This 
renders  the  whole  suspicious. 


284  MEMOIR  OF 

"  We  have  not  yet  received  the  particulars  of 
the  engagement  between  the  fleets,  but  I  am  afraid, 
from  every  circumstance,  that  the  French  were 
worsted,  and  have  lost  six  ships  of  the  line,  among 
the  rest  the  Ville  de  Paris. 

"  Colonel  Carrington  has  arrived,  and  is  forming 
contracts  for  the  supply  of  the  troops.  As  soon  as 
this  is  finished,  the  Colonel  will  go  on  to  the  south 
ward.  I  shall  be  happy  to  receive  your  orders 
with  regard  to  the  sending  on  the  recruits,  and 
could  wish  to  be  one  of  the  party. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
"  With  the  highest  respect,  dear  General, 
"  Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  P.   MlJHLENBERG. 
"  General  Greene." 

"  Head-quarters,  South  Carolina,  July  10th,  1782. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  Your  two  letters  of  the  23d  of  April  and  the 
25th  of  May,  have  been  received.  The  plan  you 
propose  of  sending  the  recruits  off  in  companies, 
meets  my  entire  approbation,  but  I  would  have  you 
allot  to  the  several  companies  the  number  of  the 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  285 

regiment  to  which  they  are  to  belong.  For  in 
stance,  the  first  eight  companies  are  to  compose 
the  first  regiment,  the  next  eight  the  second,  and  so 
on  as  far  as  the  recruits  will  extend. 

"  I  am  disappointed  very  much  in  being  informed 
that  you  have  only  collected  one  hundred  and 
three  men  at  Cumberland  Court-house.  Is  there  no 
possibility  of  remedying  this  capital  defect  in  the 
execution  of  your  laws'?  Surely  the  drafts  might 
be  collected  if  the  executive  of  the  state  would 
make  some  inquiry  into  the  matter.  As  Virginia 
has  resolved  to  exercise  her  whole  force  this  cam 
paign,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  her  views  will  be 
extended  to  the  state  of  her  Continental  line.  You, 
sir,  having  the  management  of  all  military  matters 
in  Virginia,  may  possibly  influence  their  attention 
to  this  material  object. 

"I  place  great  confidence  in  your  exertions,  and 
doubt  not  that  everything  will  be  done  that  attention 
and  industry  can  effect. 

"  From  the  various  reports  that  have  gone  abroad, 
you  will  possibly  expect  a  confirmation  of  the  eva 
cuation  of  Charleston  and  Savannah  ;  but  as  yet  they 
are  both  in  possession  of  the  British,  and  I  fear  will 


280  MEMOIR  OF 

continue  so  for  some  time.     There  have  been  no 
active  operations  for  a  long  time. 
"  I  am,  sir,  with  esteem, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  N.  GREENE. 
"  To  General  Muhlenberg." 

Although  all  active  hostilities  had  ceased,  except 
in  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  it  was  still  believed 
by  many  persons  high  in  authority,  that  the  war  was 
not  ended,  but  that  another  attempt  at  the  reduction 
of  the  rebellious  Colonies  would  be  made.  Every 
effort  was  therefore  used  to  increase  the  army, 
and  General  Muhlenberg  was  directed  to  collect 
troops  as  rapidly  as  possible.  The  news  of  the 
evacuation  of  Charleston  rendered  it  unnecessary 
to  further  reinforce  General  Greene :  he  was  there 
fore  directed  to  collect  his  recruits  into  a  single 
body,  and  pay  the  utmost  attention  to  disciplining 
and  fitting  them  to  take  the  field.  As  the  future 
operations,  if  any,  would  probably  take  place  in  the 
North,  Winchester  Barracks  was  appointed  the 
place  of  general  rendezvous,  and  in  the  beginning 
of  November  the  troops  and  stores  were  there 
removed. 


GENERAL  MUIILENBERG.  287 

This  removal  ended  his  official  correspondence 
and  connexion  with  General  Greene,  under  whose 
orders  he  had  served  almost  uninterruptedly  from 
the  beginning  of  1777.  Greene  knew  him  well,  and 
knowing,  esteemed  him  highly  both  as  a  man  and 
an  officer.  Their  private  correspondence  shows 
that  their  friendship  was  undiminished,  and,  "until 
the  death  of  the  latter,"  says  Judge  Johnson,  "Gene 
ral  Muhlenberg  continued  to  be  one  of  his  most 
intimate  and  esteemed  friends." 

The  new  general  rendezvous  was  but  twenty 
miles  from  the  residence  of  his  family.  Hencefor 
ward,  therefore,  his  visits  were  frequent,  the  more 
so  as  the  weight  of  his  military  duties  was  conside 
rably  lessened.  Still,  however,  he  was  by  no  means 
idle.  Many  things  required  his  attention,  and  espe 
cially  the  conduct  of  some  of  the  officers,  who  not 
being  actively  employed,  had  leisure  to  think  of  and 
brood  over  their  grievances.  This  produced  a 
spirit  somewhat  mutinous,  which  was  increased  by 
the  fear  that  if  the  war  should  shortly  end,  the 
army  would  be  disbanded  without  provision  being 
made  for  their  just  claims.  A  few  acts  of  whole 
some  severity,108  however,  suppressed  the  spirit 
within  the  bounds  of  General  Muhlenberg's  com 
mand. 


288  MEMOIR  OF 

Nor  were  the  preparations  for  the  next  campaign 
discontinued.  On  the  contrary,  increased  activity 
was  desired,  as  appears  from  the  following  letter 
of  the  Commander-in-chief,  the  last  in  the  official 
correspondence  between  himself  and  General  Muh- 
lenberg. 

"  Head-quarters,  Newburgh,  Feb.  5,  1783. 
"  DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  have  been  duly  favoured  with  your  letter  of 
the  13th  of  January,  and  have  written  to  Governor 
Harrison  that  it  was  much  to  be  wished  that  the 
obstacles  mentioned  by  you  might  be  removed,  and 
that  measures  might  be  taken  during  the  winter  for 
forming  the  troops  now  in  the  state,  with  the  de 
tachment  which  I  imagined  would  be  sent  back  by 
General  Greene  from  South  Carolina,  into  a  com 
plete  regiment  or  regiments,  in  such  a  manner  as 
that  they  might  be  properly  appointed  and  fit  for 
service  at  the  opening  of  the  next  campaign.  I 
doubt  not  you  will  contribute  your  utmost  exertions 
towards  accomplishing  so  interacting  and  desirable 
an  object. 

"With  great  regard,  I  am,  &c." 

In  the  month  of  March,  however,  news  arrived 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  289 

that  the  preliminaries  of  peace  had  been  signed  by 
the  Commissioners  at  Paris,  and  the  collection  of 
new  recruits  was  therefore  discontinued. 

About  this  time  General  Muhlenberg  received  his 
promotion  to  the  rank  of  major-general,1"9  a  step 
well  deserved,  and  hardly  earned  by  long  and 
severe  service.  He  was  at  this  time  one  of  the 
oldest  brigadiers  in  the  army;  and  during  the 
greater  portion  of  the  war,  had  not  only  been 
the  senior  officer  of  the  Virginia  line,  but  also  the 
commander  of  the  regular  troops  of  that  state, 
which  position  was  the  command  of  a  full  major- 
general. 

Some  months  afterwards,  the  army  was  formally 
disbanded,  and  General  Muhlenberg  returned  to  his 
family  in  Woodstock.  He  had  the  happy  con 
sciousness  of  having  discharged  his  duty;  and  al 
though  at  the  close  of  the  war  he  found  himself 
without  a  profession,  his  property  much  diminished, 
and  his  health  seriously  affected,  still  he  thought,  in 
the  language  of  Steuben,  "if  we  win  the  great  prize 
we  fight  for,  the  price  can  scarcely  be  too  great." 
That  prize  was  now  won. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  summer  and  fall  of 
1783,  he  remained  at  Woodstock,  recruiting  his 
25 


290  MEMOIR  OF 

health,  and  enjoying  that  repose  to  which  for  years 
he  had  been  a  stranger.  His  former  congregations 
wished  him  to  return  and  again  take  charge  of 
them  as  their  pastor;  an  evidence  of  the  firm  hold 
he  still  had  upon  their  affections.  He  however 
declined  the  offer,  feeling  its  impropriety,  and  saying 
"  that  it  would  never  do  to  mount  the  parson  after 
the  soldier."  But  the  losses  he  had  suffered  during 
the  war  rendered  it  imperatively  necessary  that  he 
should  again  engage  in  some  profession  or  business. 
He  decided,  therefore,  upon  removing  to  Pennsyl 
vania,  where  his  venerable  father,  who  was  still 
living,  and  the  remainder  of  the  family,  resided. 
He  intended,  when  there,  to  enter  into  the  mercan 
tile  business,  having  made  arrangements  to  that 
effect  with  his  brother-in-law,  then  a  merchant  in 
Philadelphia.  In  November,  he  accordingly  re 
moved  from  Virginia  to  reside  permanently  in 
Pennsylvania,  with  the  history  of  which  state  his 
future  career  is  intimately  connected.  He  dwelt 
at  first  with  his  father,  in  the  village  of  the  Trappe, 
until  such  time  as  he  could  make  arrangements  to 
remove  his  family  to  Philadelphia.  Circumstances, 
however,  arose,  which  induced  him  to  relinquish 
his  intention  of  going  into  business,  and  he  there- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  291 

fore  remained  at  this  place  during  the  following 
winter. 

The  military  bounty  lands  received  by  General 
Muhlenberg  for  his  services  during  the  war,  amount 
ing  to  about  thirteen  thousand  acres,  had  now  be 
come  an  object  too  considerable  to  be  neglected. 
His  present  intention  was  to  locate  the  greater  part 
of  them  in  the  territory  of  Ohio,  a  short  distance 
west  of  Fort  Pitt,  and  removing  to  the  West,  to 
settle  upon  them  himself.  This  made  him  anxious 
to  view  these  lands  personally;  besides  which,  he 
had  been  appointed  by  the  Assembly  of  Virginia 
one  of  the  superintendents  to  locate  the  lands  in 
tended  for  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  line  of 
that  state.  These  reasons  induced  him  to  under 
take  a  journey  to  the  Falls  of  Ohio,  (now  Louis 
ville,)  in  the  spring  following.  After  leaving  Fort 
Pitt,  the  whole  journey  was  through  an  unbroken 
wilderness;  and  indeed  that  portion  of  Pennsylvania 
lying  between  the  mountains  and  the  fort  was  not 
much  better.  Some  few  extracts  from  the  daily 
journal  he  kept  during  this  journey,  may  not  be  un 
interesting  to  the  reader. 

On  the  22d  of  February,  1784,  he  set  out  from 
the  Trappe  on  horseback,  accompanied  by  a  Cap- 


292 


MEMOIR  OF 


tain  Paske.  Travelling  via  Lebanon,  Harris's 
Ferry,  and  Carlisle,  on  the  6th  of  March  they 
reached  Bedford,  where  he  gives  the  following 
account  of  his  personal  appearance : — "  Politics 
and  politicians  are  as  plenty  here  as  in  Philadel 
phia,  if  great  things  can  be  compared  to  small.  I 
had  flattered  myself  that,  as  we  were  going  towards 
the  frontiers,  we  should  soon  be  out  of  the  latitude 
of  politics ;  but  even  here  two  men  cannot  drink 
half  a  gill  of  whiskey  without  discussing  a  point  in 
politics,  to  the  great  improvement  and  edification 
of  the  bystanders.  Especially  so  to  me,  while  I 
stand  by  incog,  and  hear  the  name  of  Muhlenberg 
made  use  of,  sometimes  in  one  way,  and  sometimes 
in  another;  for  were  I  known,  I  believe  no  one 
would  have  the  hardiesse  to  mention  that  name 
with  disrespect,  and  look  at  me,  for  I  have  at  pre 
sent  the  perfect  resemblance  of  Robinson  Crusoe: 
four  belts  around  me,  two  brace  of  pistols,  a  sword 
and  rifle  slung,  besides  my  pouch  and  tobacco  pipe, 
which  is  not  a  small  one.  Add  to  this  the  black 
ness  of  my  face,  which  occasions  the  inhabitants  to 
take  me  for  a  travelling  Spaniard,  and  I  am  sure 
that  my  appearance  alone  ought  to  protect  me  from 
both  politics  and  insult."  On  the  10th,  they  arrived 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  293 

at  Fort  Pitt,  where  a  number  of  gentlemen  were 
waiting  the  breaking  up  of  the  ice.  The  difficulty 
and  danger  of  the  journey  may  be  conceived  from 
the  fact  that  in  a  letter  from  this  place  he  says,  "The 
fortitude  and  perseverance  of  old  soldiers  were 
necessary,  to  bring  us  through  thus  far."  On  the 
31st,  they  commenced  their  journey,  the  fleet  con 
sisting  of  five  sail,  which,  says  the  journal,  the 
company  had  in  joke  named  the  Muhlenberg,  the 
Ellis,  the  Lewis,  the  Dowdon,  and  Carpenter's  Mis 
take.  On  the  4th  of  April,  they  passed  the  mouth 
of  the  Sciota,  where  the  General  landed,  and  on  the 
spot  where  the  flourishing  town  of  Portsmouth  now 
stands,  killed  a  buffalo  and  a  deer.  On  the  6th,  they 
landed  again,  not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Little 
Miami,  where,  the  journal  says,  "  We  killed  three 
buffaloes,  but  found  them  too  poor  to  eat,  so  that 
we  determined  to  kill  no  more.  The  winter  must 
have  been  very  severe  here,  and  hard  for  the  game, 
as  we  have  this  day  found  several  deer,  one  bear, 
and  four  buffaloes  dead  in  the  woods,  who  seem  to 
have  perished  through  want."  It  seems  passing 
strange  at  this  day  to  speak  of  finding  deer,  bears, 
and  buffaloes  within  a  few  miles  of  the  present  site 
of  Cincinnati.  This  place  they  passed  on  the  8th; 
25* 


294  MEMOIR  OF 

and  of  it  the  journal  speaks  as  follows: — "At  three 
o'clock,  we  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Miami, 
a  beautiful  river,  having  from  appearances  excellent 
bottoms  on  both  sides.  From  what  I  have  hitherto 
seen  of  the  river  Ohio,  and  the  lands  on  both  sides, 
I  make  no  doubt  that  in  time  this  will  be  the  first 
and  most  valuable  settlement  in  North  America. 
At  present  it  is  inhabited  by  wild  beasts  only,  whose 
music  in  the  night  sounds  rather  harsh  to  the  ear, 
and  puts  me  in  mind  of  heavy  iron  doors  grating 
on  their  hinges."  On  the  llth,  they  arrived  at 
Louisville,  which  the  General  visited  the  next  day, 
and  describes  as  consisting  of  "  a  court-house,  a 
jail,  and  seven  huts  besides  the  fort."  He  adds, 
however,  that,  "  from  the  prospect  of  the  lands  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  town,  and  its  situation,  it  pro 
mises  fair  to  become  a  place  of  great  importance." 
Both  these  prophecies  have  turned  out  to  be  re 
markably  correct. 

A  large  number  of  officers  interested  in  the 
military  bounty  lands  were  here  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  General  Muhlenberg,  whose  presence 
as  chief  superintendent  was  necessary.  A  lottery 
was  prepared  and  drawn,  deciding  the  priority  of 
location  of  the  various  warrants ;  and  then  prepa- 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  205 

rations  were  made  to  run  the  lines  dividing  the 
lands  of  the  Continental  and  State  officers.  The 
hostility  of  the  Indians,  however,  and  the  utter 
impossibility  of  procuring  the  guard  ordered  by 
the  Governor  of  Virginia,  prevented  much  being 
done.  Still,  various  parties  of  surveyors  were  des 
patched  to  the  different  districts,  and  everything 
accomplished  which  the  circumstances  of  the  case 
permitted.  General  Muhlenberg's  health  was  now 
beginning  to  suffer  under  the  hardships  he  was 
obliged  to  endure,  and  a  purchase  of  two  hundred 
thousand  acres  of  land  which  he  had  made,  ren 
dered  his  presence  necessary  in  Philadelphia.  He 
therefore  resolved  upon  returning  with  a  small 
party  who  intended  crossing  Kentucky  to  the 
Cumberland,  then  a  journey  dangerous  in  the 
highest  degree,  the  whole  country  being  infested 
by  hostile  Indians. 

The  journal  thus  describes  their  mode  of  life 
at  the  Falls.  "  April  18th. — Several  bears  were 
killed  in  the  vicinity  of  this  place;  and  we  now 
live  as  perfectly  wild  as  if  we  were  totally  in  the 
wilderness.  Bear,  buffalo,  venison,  turkey,  and 
fish,  form  our  whole  and  sole  diet.  The  fish 
caught  in  the  Ohio  are  large  and  excellent  in 


296  MEMOIR  OF 

quality.  The  catfish  weigh  from  five  to  one 
hundred  and  forty  weight,  the  mushanengi  or 
pike  from  ten  to  forty  pounds,  and  the  perch  from 
three  to  fifteen  and  twenty  pounds — the  latter  is  a 
very  delicious  fish.  As  our  whole  dependence 
for  living  is  on  hunting  and  fishing,  we  take  it 
by  turns,  and  I  have  this  day  caught  eleven  fine 
perch  besides  some  catfish." 

On  the  18th  of  May,  they  set  out  on  their  long 
and  perilous  homeward  journey,  Colonel  Harrod's 
station,  (now  Harrodsburg,)  being  their  first  point 
of  destination.  "  Here,"  says  the  journal,  "  I  left 
Mr.  May,  and  went  five  miles  farther  to  visit 
Colonel  Abraham  Bowman,  who  was  formerly 
my  Lieutenant-Colonel.  I  got  there  about  twelve 
o'clock,  and  immediately  after  my  arrival  was 
taken  with  the  fever  and  ague,  which  will  per 
haps  disable  me  from  going  through  the  wilderness 
with  the  next  company,  who  start  on  the  25th 
from  Crab  Tree  Orchard."  The  meeting  between 
these  two  old  friends  must  no  doubt  have  been 
highly  gratifying  to  both  ;  and  by  the  kind  nursing 
of  Colonel  Bowman's  family,  the  General  recovered 
sufficiently  to  be  enabled  to  start  with  the  com 
pany,  who  consisted  uof  forty-two  men,  one  woman, 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  297 

and  three  negroes,  who  were  armed  with  nineteen 
guns,  several  brace  of  pistols,  and  some  swords. 
From  this  place  we  have  now  to  go  one  hundred 
and  twenty  miles  to  the  next  cabin  or  station, 
twenty-five  miles  to  the  next,  and  forty  to  the 
next.  The  company  have  provided  themselves 
with  pack-horses  to  carry  provisions  for  at  least 
ten  days,  and  as  we  have  some  reason  to  appre 
hend  danger  from  the  Indians,  we  have  determined 
to  march  regularly,  and  guard  our  camp  at  night 
to  prevent  a  surprise.  27th. — *  *  *  We  passed 
several  graves,  where  persons  had  been  interred 
who  were  killed  by  the  Indians,  though,  in  fact, 
they  cannot  be  called  graves,  as  they  only  raise 
a  pile  of  old  logs  over  the  bodies,  to  prevent  the 
wolves  from  devouring  them.  *  *  *  At  twelve 
o'clock  we  arrived  at  Flat  Lick,  where  we  killed 
a  buffalo  and  dined.  We  then  started,  and  at 
four  o'clock  crossed  the  Cumberland  River,  two 
miles  beyond  which  we  came  to  a  place  which 
is  much  frequented  by  the  Indians,  and  not  im 
properly  called  the  *  Shades  of  Death.'  It  lies  on 
a  small  creek  between  two  mountainous  precipices, 
and  is  covered  so  thickly  with  laurel  that  the 
beams  of  the  sun  cannot  penetrate  at  noonday. 


298 


MEMOIR  OF 


In  the  midst  of  the  valley  we  found  the  bones  of 
several  human  bodies,  on  which  probably  the 
wolves  had  made  a  repast.  I  proposed  making 
a  halt  in  order  to  bury  them,  but  the  gloominess 
of  the  place  prevented  the  motion  from  being 
seconded.  We  rode  three  miles  farther,  and  en 
camped  for  the  night  on  the  waters  of  Yellow 
Creek,  having  ridden  fourteen  miles  from  Flat 
Lick.  We  formed  a  picket  of  twenty-four  men, 
and  kept  four  sentries  out.  I  had  the  honour  to 
be  appointed  sergeant  of  the  guard,  and  relieved 
every  hour."  Quite  a  promotion  indeed  for  a 
Major-General  in  the  armies  of  the  United  States, 
especially  as  the  following  extract  shows  what 
valorous  troops  composed  his  command.  "  29th. 
We  are  now  in  North  Carolina,  and  travel 
almost  in  the  direction  of  the  state  line.  After 
we  had  prepared  ourselves  to  start,  and  some 
had  already  mounted,  we  were  alarmed  by  the 
barking  of  some  dogs,  and  at  last  a  dog,  with 
his  ears  cut  and  trimmed  in  the  Indian  fashion, 
made  his  appearance.  The  company,  or  at  least 
some  of  them,  gave  me  a  specimen  of  their  valour : 
every  man  prepared  to  shift  for  himself  by  mount 
ing  his  horse,  while  I  took  post  with  my  gun  at 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  299 

a  tree,  and  should  consequently  have  been  left 
alone,  if  the  Indians  had  come  upon  us :  the 
alarm,  however,  blew  over."  From  this  point 
they  pursued  their  journey  through  Virginia,  ar 
riving  at  Washington  County  Court-house  on  the 
1st,  and  Lexington  on  the  8th  of  June.  From 
this  point  General  Muhlenberg  travelled  leisurely 
through  the  state,  meeting  with  many  of  his  old 
acquaintances,  and  enjoying  their  hospitality,  until 
on  the  26th,  he  reached  Philadelphia,  having  been 
four  months  in  accomplishing  his  long  and  arduous 
journey. 

Shortly  after  his  return,  he  addressed  the  fol 
lowing  letter  to  General  Mifflin,  then  President 
of  Congress,  in  relation  to  the  disposition  of  the 
Indians  in  the  western  territory.  Its  length  must 
be  apologized  for,  by  the  important  link  it  supplies 
in  the  history  of  our  western  settlements. 

"Philadelphia,  July  5th,  1784. 
«SlR,— 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  inform  your  Excellency 
that  I  have  just  returned  from  the  Falls  of  Ohio, 
where,  during  my  stay  of  two  months,  I  endea 
voured  to  make  myself  acquainted,  as  much  as 


300  MEMOIR  OF 

circumstances  would  admit,  with  the  present  dis 
position  of  the  Indians  in  that  quarter,  relative 
to  peace  with  America. 

"  I  take  the  liberty  of  troubling  your  Excellency 
with  the  few  remarks  I  have  made,  wishing  to 
conduce  towards  hastening  the  treaty  with  the 
Indians,  as  it  is,  in  the  opinion  of  those  best  ac 
quainted  with  Indian  affairs,  the  critical  time  in 
which  the  best  opportunity  offers,  either  to  esta 
blish  a  peace,  or  prevent  them  from  forming  a 
general  combination  against  us. 

"  From  the  best  accounts  we  could  get  at  the 
Falls,  several  attempts  have  lately  been  made  by 
some  of  the  Indian  nations  to  form  a  general 
confederacy,  which  was  prevented  by  the  Shaw- 
neese,  who  refused  to  join  until  they  should  be 
fully  apprised  of  our  intentions,  and  by  a  quarrel 
which  arose  between  the  Kickapoose  and  Chick- 
esaws,  who  are  now  engaged  in  a  desperate  war. 

"  A  public  embassy  from  the  Shawneese  arrived 
at  the  Falls  during  my  stay  there ;  they  informed 
me  that  it  was  the  general  wish  of  the  nation  to 
engage  in  a  firm  and  lasting  peace ;  but  so  much 
time  had  elapsed  since  hostilities  between  America 
and  Great  Britain  had  ceased,  in  which  nothing 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  301 

had  been  done  with  regard  to  them,  that  they 
suspected  our  intentions  were  not  friendly,  and 
in  their  private  discourse  they  gave  us  repeated 
hints,  that  if  we  meant  to  take  any  of  their  land 
on  the  west  side  of  Ohio,  it  would  not  be  given 
up  without  a  contest.  They  have,  however,  de 
livered  up  part  of  the  prisoners  they  have  taken, 
and  have  promised  to  bring  in  the  whole.  The 
Piankeshaws  likewise  sent  an  embassy  requesting 
a  treaty,  but  their  number  as  well  as  influence  is 
small,  and  I  believe  their  coming  was  occasioned 
by  a  report  that  an  armed  force  was  coming 
against  them,  to  chastise  them  for  some  depreda 
tions  they  had  committed  near  the  Falls. 

"  In  April  last,  a  council  was  held  at  Oport,  to 
which  the  different  tribes  on  the  Wabash  were 
invited,  but  none  attended  except  the  Piankeshaws. 
The  Owiottonons,  Maumees,  Kickapoose,  and 
Lower  Dela wares  refused,  and  not  only  threat 
ened  the  Piankeshaws  if  they  went  to  the  council, 
but  openly  declared  that  they  intended  to  com 
mence  hostilities  against  us ;  and  I  have  reason 
to  believe  that  nothing  has  hitherto  prevented  them 
but  the  hope  they  still  entertain  of  being  joined  by 
the  Shawneese  and  their  allies.  The  Chickesaws 
26 


302  MEMOIR  OF 

have  been  and  still  continue  to  show  themselves 
friendly,  giving  every  assistance  to  our  people 
coming  into  the  nation.  They  sent  a  message 
to  the  Falls  in  May,  requesting  our  assistance 
against  the  Kickapoose,  and  informed  us  that  the 
Kickapoose  had  lately  killed  five  or  six  white  men 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  and  burned  one  man 
where  Fort  Jefferson  lately  stood.  They  likewise 
gave  us  another  piece  of  information,  on  which, 
however,  I  lay  no  great  stress:  that  the  Spaniards 
had  promised  them  and  some  of  the  neighbouring 
nations,  to  supply  them  with  ammunition,  &c., 
provided  the  Americans  should  attempt  to  dis 
possess  them  of  any  of  their  lands. 

"  From  every  observation  I  have  made,  I  am 
led  to  believe  that  the  Shawneese  at  present  take 
the  lead  among  the  Indian  nations  on  the  western 
waters,  and  that  if  a  general  treaty  cannot  be  held 
at  this  time,  a  particular  treaty  with  them  would 
keep  the  other  Indians  quiet,  and  give  us  so  much 
time,  at  least,  as  will  be  necessary  to  provide 
against  the  worst.  If  this  is  not  done  before  the 
fall,  I  am  convinced  from  the  present  situation  of 
affairs  that  a  war  is  unavoidable.  The  frontier 
inhabitants  show  as  much  inclination  for  it  as 


GENERAL   MUHLENBE11G.  303 

the  Indians,  expecting  that  troops  from  every 
quarter  will  be  sent  to  their  assistance. 

"The  gentlemen  who  received  the  Illinois  grant 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  acres  opposite 
Louisville,  on  the  west  of  Ohio,  have  already  laid 
off  a  town  in  that  district,  which  is  settling  fast,  and 
this  will  probably  give  rise  to  an  immediate  quarrel. 

"  I  should  not  trouble  your  Excellency  with  these 
remarks,  did  I  not  plainly  foresee  the  miserable 
situation  to  which  the  frontiers  will  be  reduced  by 
a  war  breaking  out  at  this  time,  when  the  inhabi 
tants  are  totally  unprepared,  and  lulled  into  security 
by  depending  on  a  general  treaty,  and  on  succours, 
which  at  any  rate  must  come  too  late,  if  the  Indians 
act  decidedly. 

"  Permit  me  further,  sir,  to  express  my  fears 
with  regard  to  the  places  at  which  it  is  said  the 
treaties  are  to  be  held, — Fort  Pitt  and  Louisville. 
The  inhabitants  near  the  first  have  not  forgot  poor 
Crawford  and  his  fellow-sufferers;  those  at  the 
latter  still  remember  the  Blue  Lick  and  other 
places,  where  the  Indians  exercised  their  cruelties 
upon  them;  and  private  revenge  will  certainly  take 
place,  especially  in  a  country  where  every  man 
thinks  he  has  a  right  to  do  what  seerneth  best  in  his 


304  MEMOIR  OF 

own  eyes.  Fort  M'Jntosh,  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Miami,  or  the  new  town  opposite  Louisville,  would 
be  much  more  eligible,  and  prevent  the  mischiefs 
that  might  otherwise  arise. 

"  As  I  mean  to  become  a  resident  of  the  western 
waters,  and  shall  set  out  again  for  the  Falls  in 
September  next,  I  shall  be  happy  to  be  the  bearer  of 
any  orders,  either  from  your  Excellency,  or  the 
honourable  the  Committee  of  Congress. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c." 

The  following  letter  written  to  Baron  Steuben  is 
upon  the  same  subject.  It  is  interesting,  as  it  shows 
not  only  their  continued  friendship,  hut  also  the 
care  General  Muhlenberg  took  of  the  pecuniary 
affairs  of  his  old  commander. 

"  Philadelphia,  Sept.  9th,  1784. 
"  DEAR  GENERAL, — 

"  In  the  beginning  of  July  I  returned  to  this  place 
from  the  Falls  of  Ohio,  and  should  have  written  to 
you  immediately,  had  I  not  flattered  myself  that  I 
should  see  you  on  your  farm  in  the  vicinity  of  New 
York;  but  my  intentions  have  hitherto  been  frus 
trated  by  some  business  or  other,  and  the  time  is 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  305 

drawing  near  when  my  presence  will  be  necessary 
at  Louisville.  I  should  have  continued  at  the  Falls 
this  summer,  had  I  not  found  it  absolutely  necessary 
to  wait  on  Congress  to  give  them  some  information 
relative  to  the  settlements  on  the  western  waters, 
and  to  hasten,  if  possible,  the  treaty  with  the  In 
dians.  The  Indians  show  many  signs  of  discon 
tent,  and  cannot  bear  the  thoughts  of  our  settling  on 
the  west  side  of  Ohio,  where  the  most  valuable  part 
of  our  military  lands  lie.  A  treaty  with  them,  I 
hope,  will  put  us  in  full  and  peaceable  possession  of 
Sciota,  where  I  think  the  best  part,  if  not  the 
whole  of  your  lands,  ought  to  be  located.  I  shall, 
however,  (if  I  do  not  receive  your  orders  to  the 
contrary,)  act  for  you  as  I  would  for  myself,  and 
locate  where  I  think  it  will  turn  out  to  the  greatest 
advantage. 

"  I  have  this  day  received  a  letter  from  Major 
Ludeman,110  who  is  at  present  in  Richmond.  He 
requests  me  to  solicit  a  recommendation  from  you 
to  Congress  in  his  behalf,  that  he  may  obtain  a  part 
of  his  arrearages  of  pay  in  specie,  to  enable  him  to 
return  to  Europe  ;  upon  the  same  footing  as  some 
others  have  received.  I  did  not  wish  to  trouble 
you  with  things  of  this  kind,  but  Ludeman  is  so 
26* 


306  MEMOIR  OF 

deserving  an   officer,  that  I  thought  it  my  duty  to 
acquaint  you  with  his  request. 

"  I  shall  continue  in  this  city  for  two  or  three 
weeks  longer,  and  shall  be  happy  to  receive  a  line 
from  you  before  I  set  out. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

"  Dear  Baron,  &c." 

At  the  time  appointed,  General  Muhlenberg  again 
set  out  on  a  journey  to  the  West,  and  succeeded  in 
locating  his  own  land-warrants,  and  those  entrusted 
to  him  by  his  friends,  to  his  satisfaction.  At  the 
same  time  he  finished  the  duties  assigned  him  as 
superintendent.  These  objects  being  accomplished, 
in  the  winter  or  spring  following,  he  relumed  to 
his  family  in  Philadelphia. 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  307 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Civil  Life  of  General  Muhlenberg — The  Society  of  the  Cincin 
nati — His  Connexion  with  the  Order — Elected  Vice-President 
of  Pennsylvania — Insurrection  in  Wyoming — Its  Causes — 
Exertions  in  favour  of  Ratification  of  the  Constitution — Elected 
Member  of  the  First  Congress — Course  in  that  Body — Cool 
ness  with  General  Washington — Its  Cause — Command  of  the 
Indian  Army — Baron  Steuben's  Annuity — Removal  of  Con 
gress — Formation  of  a  new  State  Constitution — The  Trout 
Letter — Elected  Member  of  the  Third  Congress — Proposed  by 
the  President  as  one  of  the  Generals  in  the  New  Army — Elected 
Member  of  the  Sixth  Congress — Condition  of  Parties — His 
Support  of  Mr.  Jefferson — Election  of  1800 — Plan  for  Declaring 
the  Election  Null — Mr.  Jefferson's  Letter — Course  of  General 
Muhlenberg — Elected  to  the  United  States  Senate — Appointed 
Supervisor  of  Pennsylvania — Collector  of  Philadelphia — His 
Death  and  Character. 

THE  few  remaining  pages  of  this  sketch  will  be 
devoted  to  a  concise  account  of  the  civil  life  of 
General  Muhlenberg.  It  must,  however,  be  ne 
cessarily  very  brief,  the  narrative  having  already 
exceeded  the  limits  assigned.  This  part  of  his 


308 


MEMOIR  OF 


career,  too,  continued  for  nearly  twenty  years, 
during  the  greater  portion  of  which  time  he  was 
high  in  office,  and  intimately  connected  with  all 
the  leading  men  and  measures  of  this  most  interest 
ing  period  of  our  national  existence,  a  period  of 
which  the  secret  history  still  remains  to  be  written. 
His  correspondence  with  Jefferson,  Gallatin,  Rush, 
Franklin,  MifBin,  M'Kean,  Leib,  and  others,  would 
alone  cover  many  pages;  but  were  this  part  of  his 
life  examined  with  the  same  minuteness  as  the 
military  portion,  many  chapters,  instead  of  one, 
would  be  requisite. 

Before  proceeding  to  that  part  of  his  career 
which  may  be  strictly  termed  civil,  a  few  words 
will  be  necessary  to  explain  his  connexion  with  the 
Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  The  history  of  that 
order  is  so  well  known  as  to  render  any  account 
of  its  origin  unnecessary.  Its  purposes  were  un 
doubtedly  pure  and  good,  and  its  establishment  was 
a  natural  result  of  the  disbanding  of  the  arrny.  It 
was  not  to  be  supposed  that  men  who  had  shared 
together  the  toils  and  dangers  of  a  seven  years' 
war,  would  willingly  separate  without  making  some 
arrangement  to  keep  up  their  connexion,  and  occa 
sionally  meet  to  chat  over  the  way  in  which  fields 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  309 

were  lost  and  won.  But  although  this,  and  this 
only,  was  the  original  design,  anoiher  object  was 
so  plain  and  evident  a  result  of  the  institution  of 
the  order,  that  without  being  openly  avowed  by 
either,  it  was  felt  and  tacitly  acknowledged  by 
both  soldiers  and  civilians. 

The  officers  of  the  revolutionary  army,  after 
having  endured  hardships  and  privations  scarcely 
paralleled  in  history,  now  that  the  great  object  for 
which  they  had  struggled  was  accomplished,  were 
about  being  disbanded,  and  it  was  very  evident 
that  the  country  was  unwilling  or  unable  to  recom 
pense  them  for  their  services.  If  the  officers  con 
sented  to  this  dissolution,  the  moment  they  were 
separated,  and  scattered,  as  they  would  be,  over  the 
whole  length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  their  influence 
would  be  annihilated,  and  their  only  dependence  be 
upon  the  justice  of  the  government.  By  remaining 
united,  however,  they  still  continued  to  form  an 
important  body  in  the  legally  unrecognised  divi 
sions  of  the  people,  and  by  acting  in  concert  and 
as  a  whole,  their  weight  and  influence  would  be 
sufficient  to  enable  them  to  demand  justice  if  de 
nied.  This  was  undoubtedly  the  cause  of  the 
violent  hostility  to  the  order  existing  among  civi- 


310  MEMOIR  OF 

Hans,  although,  as  is  often  the  case,  it  was  never 
mentioned,  but  the  so-called  aristocratic  features  of 
the  institution  were  the  objects  selected  for  attack. 

General  Gates  was  the  senior,  General  Muhlen- 
berg  the  second  officer  of  the  Virginia  line;  but  the 
former,  since  his  suspension  from  command  in  1780, 
had  tacitly  withdrawn  from  the  army,  and  the  latter 
became  its  virtual  head.  In  this  position  he  felt 
that  he  had  grave  duties  to  discharge  towards  the 
brave  men  who  had  officered  those  troops.  He 
knew  their  services  and  their  sacrifices,  the  justice 
of  their  claims  upon  government,  and  the  little  pro 
bability  of  those  claims  receiving  attention.  Know 
ing  these  men,  too,  so  intimately  as  he  did,  he 
believed  correctly  that,  after  the  patriotism  they 
had  already  displayed,  there  was  no  danger  of  their 
taking  any  step  which  would  tend  to  destroy  the 
liberty  their  swords  had  won.  With  these  views, 
General  Muhlenberg  became  and  continued  an  ac 
tive  member  of  the  order. 

In  the  mean  time  the  contest  waxed  warm.  Go 
vernor  Burke,  of  South  Carolina,  commenced  the 
attack  upon  the  Cincinnati.  Men's  minds  became 
inflamed,  and  the  struggle  bid  fair  to  result  in 
drawing  closely  the  lines  between  the  civilian  and 


GENERAL   MUHLENEERG.  311 

the  soldier.  This  was  to  be  deprecated,  for  it  was 
sowing  dissension  in  the  nation  at  a  time  when 
unanimity  was  all-important.  It  was  producing  an 
evil  greater  than  any  good  which  could  result  from 
the  establishment  of  the  order;  and  the  officers 
added  another  to  the  long  list  of  sacrifices  they  had 
already  made,  by  voluntarily  laying  down  the  power 
they  possessed.  The  obnoxious  features  of  the  order 
were  expunged,  the  masses  were  satisfied,  and  har 
mony  was  restored.  In  this  work  of  reconciliation, 
General  Muhlenberg  was  among  the  foremost.  He 
had  supported  the  institution  of  the  Cincinnati, 
believing  it  to  be  beneficial  and  proper ;  but  when 
he  found  that  its  existence  in  its  then  shape,  acting 
upon  the  prejudices  and  inflamed  passions  of  the 
multitude,  threatened  to  become  a  great  evil,  he 
yielded.  Some  provision  had  been  made  for  the 
officers;  and  its  being  made  was  in  a  great  measure 
to  be  attributed  to  the  influence  exerted  by  the  Cin 
cinnati,  during  the  short  period  of  their  active  ex 
istence. 

Throughout  his  whole  life,  General  Muhlenberg's 
frankness  and  affability  of  manners  seem  to  have 
rendered  him  a  favourite  with  the  people.  This 
was  evidenced  in  Virginia,  in  the  year  1774,  and 


312  MEMOIR  OF 

now  again  in  Pennsylvania.  Although  he  had  been 
a  resident  of  the  state  but  a  single  year,  he  was 
nevertheless  elected  Vice-President  in  the  fall  of 
1785,  Dr.  Franklin  being  at  the  same  time  chosen 
President.  These  elections  were  held  under  the 
Constitution  of  1776,  then  in  force,  and  which  as 
signed  these  titles  to  the  first  and  second  officer  of 
the  state. 

General  Muhlenberg  continued  to  hold  this  office, 
being  annually  re-elected,  until  the  fall  of  1788 ; 
and  as  Dr.  Franklin  was  at  this  time  much  engaged 
in  national  business,  and  consequently  absent  for 
long  periods,  the  reins  of  government  were  for  the 
greater  portion  of  the  time  in  the  hands  of  the  Vice- 
President.  During  these  years  nothing  occurred 
worthy  of  particular  mention  in  this  place,  save  the 
insurrection  in  Wyoming.  This  was  produced  by 
the  conflicting  claims  of  the  states  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Connecticut.  The  former  claimed  the  northern 
boundary  she  at  present  possesses,  whilst  the  latter, 
on  the  authority  of  her  original  charter,  insisted 
that  her  northern  and  southern  boundary  lines 
should  be  extended  westwardly  to  the  Mississippi ; 
which  claim,  if  allowed,  would  have  embraced  the 
whole  northern  portion  of  Pennsylvania.  Both 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  313 

states  had  erected  counties,  both  had  sold  lands, 
the  same  tract  being  often  sold  to  different  persons; 
both  had  appointed  sheriffs,  and  both  claimed  juris 
diction.  The  disputes  arising  from  contested  land 
claims,  however,  proved  to  be  the  worst  in  their 
effects;  and  as  Pennsylvania  actually  exercised 
jurisdiction,  the  New  England  settlers  took  up 
arms,  and  for  a  short  time  the  beautiful  valley  of 
Wyoming  was  the  scene  of  a  petty  civil  war.  The 
most  important  of  these  events  occurred  during  the 
time  that  General  Muhlenberg  was  the  chief  exe 
cutive  officer  of  the  state,  and  upon  him  fell  the 
unpleasant  duty  of  suppressing  this  insurrection. 
Bodies  of  militia  were  repeatedly  called  out  to  aid 
the  sheriff;  and  upon  one  occasion,  in  the  year 
1788,  the  Vice-President  was  obliged  to  ask  of 
Congress  that  a  regular  force  be  ordered  there, 
which  was  done.  This  show  of  force  re-established 
the  authority  of  Pennsylvania.  Many  of  the  in 
surgents  were  captured,  some  killed,  and  the  re 
mainder,  after  releasing  Colonel  Pickering  and  the 
other  prisoners,  fled  from  the  state.  By  these  ener 
getic  means  the  insurrection  was  suppressed,  but 
the  flame  continued  smouldering  as  long  as  the 
countenance  of  the  state  of  Connecticut  was  ex- 
27 


314  MEMOIR  OF 

tended  to  the  rioters,  nor  did  the  disturbances 
finally  cease  until  the  claims  of  that  state  were 
ceded  to  Pennsylvania. 

During  this  time  the  question  of  forming  a  new 
constitution  was  agitated,  the  old  articles  of  con 
federation  having  proved  themselves  utterly  in 
sufficient  for  the  purposes  intended.  The  powers 
conferred  upon  Congress  by  that  instrument  were 
insufficient  for  the  government  of  the  nation  either 
in  peace  or  war;  and  accordingly,  delegates  from 
the  different  commonwealths  met  in  convention  at 
Philadelphia,  and  on  the  17th  of  September,  1787, 
presented  the  present  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  to  the  states,  for  adoption  or  rejection.  Its 
merits  were  warmly  canvassed,  and  much  oppo 
sition  existed  to  its  provisions.  General  Muhlen- 
berg  was  an  ardent  advocate  of  its  adoption,  and 
exerted  his  influence  in  Pennsylvania,  particularly 
with  the  Germans,  most  successfully.  It  was  said 
at  the  time,  that  to  his  exertions  was  owing  in  a 
great  measure  the  speedy  adoption  of  the  new  con 
stitution  by  that  state,  a  decision  which  exerted 
great  influence  upon  the  other  members  of  the  con 
federacy.  His  brother  Frederick  was  Speaker  of 
the  State  Convention  called  to  ratify  or  reject  the 


GENERAL   MUIILENBERG.  315 

instrument;  and  as  both  held  at  the  same  time  high 
official  position,  and  united  in  their  object,  their 
mutual  efforts  increased  their  power. 

In  the  year  178S,  the  Constitution  \vas  ratified  by 
eleven  states,  and  went  into  operation.  In  Decem 
ber  of  the  same  year,  General  Muhlenberg  was 
chosen  one  of  the  members  of  the  first  Congress,  to 
serve  from  March  4th,  1789,  to  March  4th,  1791. 
The  election  was  held  by  general  ticket,  eight 
members  being  chosen. 

This  Congress  assembled  at  New  York,  then  the 
seat  of  government ;  but  nearly  a  month  elapsed 
before  a  quorum  appeared.  On  the  1st  of  April, 
this  was  found  to  be  the  case,  and  the  House  or 
ganized  by  the  election  of  Frederick  Augustus 
Muhlenberg,  of  Pennsylvania,  as  Speaker.111  Many 
important  duties  devolved  upon  this  body.  It  was 
the  first  Congress  assembled  under  the  Constitution, 
and  the  new  government  was  to  be  put  in  motion 
under  all  ihe  disadvantages  usually  experienced  in 
starting  so  cumbrous  a  machine;  in  addition  to 
which,  a  great  mass  of  business  was  to  be  disposed 
of,  that  had  been  left  undone  by  the  old  Congress. 
The  Constitution,  too,  was  untried;  much  hostility 
existed  towards  it,  and  numerous  amendments  were 


310  MEMOIR  OF 

proposed  by  the  various  states,  which  were  to  be 
acted  upon  by  this  Congress.  Revenue  was  to  be 
provided  for  a  bankrupt  treasury;  debts  of  an  enor 
mous  amount  were  to  be  ascertained  and  paid ;  and 
preparations  made  to  guard  against  the  threatening 
relations  of  the  country,  both  with  some  of  the 
European  powers,  and  the  Northwestern  Indians. 

Although  rarely  speaking,  General  Muhlenberg 
took  an  active  part  in  all  the  proceedings  of  the 
body  of  which  he  was  a  member,  serving  upon 
several  important  committees,  among  which  were 
that  on  the  national  defence,  that  on  the  regulation 
and  discipline  of  the  militia,  who  were  then  the 
only  defence  of  the  country,  and  intended  to  supply 
entirely  the  place  of  a  standing  army ;  and  that  on 
the  reserved  military  bounty  lands  of  Virginia.  In 
all  these,  his  military  knowledge  and  experience 
proved  highly  serviceable. 

In  the  limits  of  a  single  chapter,  it  is  of  course 
impossible  to  detail  his  views  and  action  upon  the 
great  questions  then  dividing  the  country.  One  of 
his  voles,  however,  must  be  mentioned,  as  it  had 
the  misfortune  to  lose  him  for  a  time  the  friendship 
of  General  Washington. 

The  President,  although  a  firm  republican,  was 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  317 

a  Virginia  gentleman  of  the  old  school,  and  accus 
tomed  to  the  observance  of  a  considerable  degree 
of  form  and  ceremony.  Educated  as  he  had  been, 
and  thinking  as  he  did,  it  was  natural  that  he  should 
wish  the  introduction  of  some  form  and  pomp  into 
the  new  government  of  which  he  was  the  head.  He 
desired  particularly  that  some  title  should  be  annexed 
to  the  presidential  office,  and  was  said  to  favour  that 
of  "  High  Mightiness,"  used  by  the  Stadtholder  of 
Holland.  A  resolution  to  appoint  a  committee  to 
inquire  by  what  title  it  would  be  proper  to  address 
the  President,  was  introduced  into  both  Houses  of 
Congress  ;  and  whilst  it  was  under  discussion,  it  so 
happened  that  Genera]  Muhlenberg  with  several 
other  members  of  Congress  were  invited  to  dine 
with  the  President.  Among  the  members  was  Mr. 
Wynkoop,  of  Pennsylvania,  a  gentleman  remarkable 
for  his  large  and  commanding  stature.  At  the  table 
the  resolution  as  to  the  President's  title  naturally 
underwent  some  discussion;  and  General  Washing 
ton,  in  his  usual  formal  manner,  turning,  said, "  Well, 
General  Muhlenberg,  what  do  you  think  of  the  title 
of  High  Mightiness?"  The  latter  replied,  laughingly, 
"Why,  General,  if  we  were  certain  that  the  office 
would  always  be  held  by  men  as  large  as  yourself 
27* 


318 


MEMOIR  OF 


or  my  friend  Mr.  Wynkoop,  it  would  be  appropriate 
enough ;  but  if  by  chance  a  President  as  small  as 
my  opposite  neighbour  should  be  elected,  it  would 
become  ridiculous."  This  evasive  reply,  so  different 
from  what  was  expected,  produced  some  merriment, 
and  General  Washington  looked  displeased.  Gene 
ral  Muhlenberg,  however,  whose  feelings  inclined 
him  towards  the  strict  republican  party,  then  led 
by  Jefferson  and  Madison,  voted  against  any  title 
whatever  being  conferred  on  the  President ;  and 
this  vote,  it  is  said,  completed  General  Washing 
ton's  displeasure.  The  storm  afterwards  blew  over, 
but  whilst  it  continued,  it  probably  contributed  in 
causing  another  disappointment  to  General  Muh 
lenberg. 

This  was  the  loss  of  the  command  of  the  Indian 
army.  The  Indians  in  the  Northwestern  Territory 
had  been  dissatisfied  for  some  years  at  the  rapid 
advance  of  the  whites ;  and  this  dissatisfaction  now 
broke  out  in  open  hostilities,  which  were  so  for 
midable  as  to  require  an  army  of  regular  troops  to 
be  sent  from  the  East.  Genera,!  Muhlenberg's  ac 
quaintance  with  the  Indians  of  the  West,  gained  in 
his  two  visits  to  Kentucky,  his  popularity  with  the 
western  frontier-men,  and  skill  in  their  peculiar 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  319 

mode  of  warfare,  pointed  him  out  as  an  eminently 
proper  person  for  this  command.  He  was  accord 
ingly  warmly  pressed  upon  the  President  by  his 
friends ;  and  before  the  slight  rupture  alluded  to,  it 
was  generally  supposed  that  he  would  be  appointed. 
General  St.  Clair  was,  however,  selected,  and  Ge 
neral  Muhlenberg  remained  in  Congress. 

During  this  session  he  also  had  the  satisfaction 
of  again  befriending  Baron  Steuben,112  having  been 
mainly  instrumental  in  procuring  the  allowance  of 
an  annuity  of  82500  per  annum  to  the  Baron,  as  a 
recompense  for  the  losses  he  had  sustained  by  re 
signing  the  offices  he  held  in  Germany. 

During  this  session,  also,  the  question  of  the  re 
moval  of  Congress  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia 
was  agitated,  and  finally  passed,  the  permanent 
seat  of  government  being  fixed  in  the  state  of  Penn 
sylvania,  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehanna.  The 
last  clause  of  the  resolution  was  afterwards  modi 
fied,  but  the  former  was  carried  into  effect,  Con 
gress  remaining  at  Philadelphia  until  its  removal 
to  Washington.  Much  feeling  on  this  subject  was 
manifested,  and  General  Muhlenberg  advocated  the 
measure  warmly.  Dr.  Rush,  in  a  letter  to  him, 
writes  as  follows : — "  I  rejoice  in  the  prospect  of 


320  MEMOIR  OF 

Congress  leaving  New  York:  it  is  a  sink  of  political 
vice.  I  have  written  fully  to  Mr.  Madison  upon  the 
subject."  And  again  : — "  Do  as  you  please,  but 
tear  Congress  away  from  New  York  in  any  way. 
Do  not  rise  without  effecting  this  business." 

The  formation  of  a  constitution  for  Pennsylvania 
was  the  next  great  object  that  required  the  attention 
of  the  statesmen  of  that  commonwealth.  That  of 
1776  was  defective  in  many  respects,  but  princi 
pally  in  its  having  constituted  a  body  called  the 
Council  of  Censors,  whose  powers  were  unlimited, 
extending  even  over  the  constitution  itself.  In  con 
junction  with  his  brother.  General  Mifflin,  Dr.  Rush, 
A.  J.  Dallas,  Thomas  Leiper,  Dr.  Leib,  and  other 
leading  men  of  the  state,  General  Muhlenberg 
turned  his  thoughts  in  this  direction.  Their  united 
exertions  procured  the  call  of  a  convention,  who 
finally  produced  the  constitution  of  1790,  of  which, 
in  another  letter,  Dr.  Rush  said  very  truly,  "  It  is 
thought  by  good  judges  to  be  the  best  in  the  union, 
if  not  in  the  world."  The  adoption  of  this  constitu 
tion  was  in  a  great  measure  to  be  attributed  to  the 
influence  exercised  in  its  favour  by  General  Muh 
lenberg  among  the  Germans;  and  some  years  later, 
when  an  attempt  at  alteration  was  made,  he  wrote 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  321 

to  General,  afterwards  Governor  Hiester,  the  letter 
which  is  still  known  in  Pennsylvania  politics  as  the 
"  Trout  Letter."  Its  publication  was  thus  prefaced: 
."Although  permission  was  not  given  for  presenting 
it  to  the  press,  yet  considering  the  weight  of  this 
revered  patriot's  opinions  in  the  state,  it  was  deemed 
of  too  much  importance  to  be  withheld  from  the 
public."  The  following  is  the  letter  itself,  the 
peculiar  phraseology  of  which  arises  from  the  fact 
that  it  is  a  translation  from  the  German. 

"Philadelphia,  Aug.  3,  1805. 
"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — 

"  Have  you  again  arrived  safely  at  Reading,  or 
are  you  still  wandering  among  the  Blue  Mountains, 
talking  of  the  election  and  feasting  on  trout?  As 
soon  as  you  return,  let  me  hear  of  the  prospects  in 
your  country. 

"  I  have  heretofore  thought  that,  as  I  was  an 
officer  of  the  United  States,  it  would  be  improper 
for  me  to  interfere  too  zealously  in  this  affair.  But 
I  cannot  help  observing  with  surprise  and  regret 
that  many  of  our  countrymen  suffer  themselves  to 
be  led  astray,  without  reflecting  upon  the  conse 
quences  which  must  ensue  if  a  change  should  at 


322  MEMOIR.  OF 

present  be  made  in  the  constitution.  Our  country 
men,  the  Germans,  are  generally  not  so  light-minded 
in  important  affairs ;  and  it  must  now  be  owing  to 
a  want  of  information.  We  have  heretofore  lived 
peaceably,  happily,  and  contentedly  under  the  ope 
ration  of  the  present  constitution ;  and  although  it 
might  be  amended  in  some  instances,  yet  the  ques 
tion  which  naturally  arises  is,  whether  this  is  the 
proper  time  to  attempt  it,  when  the  minds  of  men 
are  exasperated,  and  no  one  will  yield  to  the  other. 
"  If  the  people  have  once  given  up  their  right,  if 
they  have  once  called  a  convention,  this  convention 
has  the  right  of  making  any  alteration  it  pleases,  or 
of  completely  overthrowing  the  old  constitution, 
and  forming  one  entirely  new.  This  new  consti 
tution  may  be  then  as  it  will ;  it  may  please  us  or 
not.  Repentance  will  come  too  late,  and  we  shall 
be  completely  bound.  The  more  I  reflect  on  this 
subject,  the  more  I  am  convinced  that  an  alteration, 
if  made  at  present,  would  produce  the  most  un 
happy  consequences  to  the  peaceable  farmer.  That 
many  wish  to  fish  in  troubled  waters  is  evident ;  and 
that  some  have  reached  the  height  of  impudence, 
and  arc  lost  to  all  sense  of  shame,  is  certain.  For 
Heaven's  sake,  only  read  that  shameless  toast,  drank 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  323 

publicly  on  the  fourth  of  July  last — *  The  equal  dis 
tribution  of  property  /'  Wo,  therefore,  unto  him 
who  has  a  large  farm,  particularly  when  others 
possess  none. 

"Excuse  the  hasty  manner  in  which  this  is 
written.  I  have  so  little  time  I  can  call  my  own, 
that  I  have  been  compelled  to  write  this  in  my 
office. 

"  Your  sincere  friend, 

"  And  humble  servant, 

"  P.  MUHLENBERG. 
"  Joseph  Hiester,  Esq." 

This  decided  letter  did  much  to  check  the  spirit 
of  innovation  and  even  agrarianism  which  was  then 
raising  its  head,  and  the  proposal  to  change  the 
constitution  met  with  an  almost  unanimous  rebuke 
at  the  ballot-box.  It  is  introduced  here  as  a  me 
mento  of  the  past,  and  on  account  of  the  great 
excitement  its  appearance  produced. 

In  December,  1793,  General  Muhlenberg  took 
his  seat  in  the  Third  Congress  of  ihe  United  States, 
having  been  chosen  a  member  from  the  Montgo 
mery  district,  and  served  until  its  termination  in 
March,  1795.  His  brother  Frederick  at  the  same 


324  MEMOIR  OF 

time  was  again  chosen  Speaker.  During  this  Con 
gress  he  served  on  many  important  committees, 
principally,  however,  on  those  connected  with  mili 
tary  subjects. 

In  the  year  1798  an  incident  occurred  which 
was  highly  complimentary  to  the  military  reputa 
tion  General  Muhlenberg  had  established  for  him 
self  in  the  late  war.  The  aggressions  of  France 
rendered  it  necessary  to  raise  a  new  army,  which 
was  placed  under  the  command  of  General  Wash 
ington,  whose  advice  was  desired  respecting  the 
appointment  of  general  officers.  For  this  purpose 
a  list  was  presented  to  him  by  the  Secretary  of 
War,  and  upon  this  list  the  name  of  General  Muh 
lenberg  was  placed,  along  with  those  of  Knox, 
Hamilton,  Lincoln,  Morgan,  Gates,  Hand,  Pinck- 
ney,  Burr,  and  others.113  This  was  at  a  time  when 
General  Muhlenberg  was  an  open  and  violent  poli 
tical  opponent  of  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams, 
a  fact  which  enhances  the  value  of  the  compliment, 
for  it  takes  away  all  suspicion  of  favouritism. 

Ever  since  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  the 
difference  between  the  two  political  parties  had 
been  growing  wider  and  wider,  but  now  the  party 
lines  were  being  strictly  drawn,  and  it  behooved 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  325 

men  to  take  sides.  In  Pennsylvania  especially, 
party  feeling  was  at  its  highest,  and  as  the  Republi 
can  party  was  stronger  there  than  in  any  other 
large  state,  it  became  the  principal  battle-ground. 
The  following  extract  from  a  sketch  of  General 
Muhlenberg,  published  in  the  Democratic  Review,114 
shows  the  course  he  took  in  these  "  troublous 
times." 

"  During  the  period  of  General  Muhlenberg's 
Congressional  services,  the  political  parties  were 
developed  which  have  ever  since,  under  whatever 
change  of  name,  agitated  the  country.  In  that  day 
they  were  known  as  Federal  and  Republican,  and 
then,  perhaps,  more  than  at  any  subsequent  time,  did 
party  feeling  run  highest.  As  a  leader  of  the  Re 
publican  party,  General  Muhlenberg  took  an  early 
and  decided  stand.  He  was  not  a  man  to  flinch 
from  the  responsibilities  of  his  party  position,  and 
bringing  to  it  as  he  did,  great  weight  of  character 
and  of  personal  popularity,  his  influence  in  building 
up  and  sustaining  the  ascendency  of  his  party  was 
felt  and  freely  acknowledged.  In  1799,  as  in  1844, 
the  gubernatorial  election  in  Pennsylvania  was 
made  the  battle-ground  of  the  approaching  pre 
sidential  contest.  It  is  a  matter  of  history  what 
28 


326  MEMOIR  OF 

means  were  resorted  to  in  order  to  overawe  the 
Republicans  of  that  state  upon  that  occasion.  The 
part  that  General  Muhlenberg  then  took,  was  ad 
mitted  at  the  time  to  have  mainly  contributed  to 
the  success  of  the  Republican  candidate,  Thomas 
M'Kean.  The  result  in  Pennsylvania  saved  the 
Republican  party  of  the  Union." 

In  the  year  1797,  at  the  presidential  election 
which  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Mr.  Adams,  he  was 
an  elector  from  Pennsylvania,  and  voted  upon 
every  ballot  for  Mr.  Jefferson.  In  the  year  follow 
ing  he  was  again  chosen  a  member  of  Congress, 
to  serve  from  the  4th  of  March,  1799,  to  1801. 
These  were  the  years  still  known  in  the  political 
history  of  Pennsylvania  as  the  Reign  of  Terror,  and 
in  truth  the  heavy  hand  of  Government  was  felt 
severely  by  its  political  opponents  in  that  state. 
During  this  Congressional  term  the  contest  between 
Jefferson  and  Burr  took  place,  and  both  having  the 
same  number  of  votes,  the  election  was  referred  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  under  the  provision 
of  the  constitution  then  in  force.  General  Muhlen 
berg  was  a  warm  supporter  of  Mr.  Jefferson  during 
the  whole  of  this  arduous  contest,  voting  for  him  on 
every  ballot,  until  the  thirty-sixth,  when  he  was 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  327 

declared  elected,  the  Federalists  having  become 
alarmed,  and  withdrawn  several  of  their  votes. 

During  the  pendency  of  this  contest,  an  event 
occurred  which  is  not  generally  known,  and  in 
which  General  Muhlenberg  was  one  of  the  promi 
nent  actors.  It  was  the  nearest  approach  to  a 
revolution  which  has  ever  threatened  this  country, 
and  for  that  reason  probably  all  papers  connected 
with  it  have  been  destroyed,  and  the  very  existence 
of  the  project  is  almost  unknown.  Greatly  as  steps 
of  this  kind  are  to  be  deprecated,  there  was  much 
in  the  circumstances  to  excuse  the  gentlemen  en 
gaged.  Their  passions  were  excited  to  the  highest 
degree,  they  believed  that  the  clearly  expressed 
will  of  the  people  was  to  be  set  aside  under  the 
semblance  of  law,  and  that  the  liberty  of  the  coun 
try  was  in  danger.  Besides  this,  nearly  all  had 
been  actors  in  the  Revolution,  and  hence  a  civil 
war,  or  rather  the  intervention  of  an  armed  force, 
was  not  deemed  so  terrible  an  act  as  it  would  be  at 
the  present  day.  The  disease  certainly  was  despe 
rate,  and  they  may  therefore  be  excused  for  intend 
ing,  if  necessary,  to  apply  a  desperate  remedy. 

The  Government,  after  finding  that  no  choice 
was  made  by  the  House  of  Representatives  between 


328  MEMOIR  OF 

Jefferson  and  Burr,  desired  the  passage  of  a  law 
declaring  the  election  null  and  void,  and  vesting 
the  chief  executive  power  in  some  officer,  probably 
the  Chief  Justice.  This  outrageous  violation  of 
the  constitution  would  have  secured  their  position 
to  the  party  in  power  for  another  presidential  term  ; 
and  with  so  easy  an  example  before  them,  of  nulli 
fying  an  election,  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether 
any  other  would  ever  have  taken  place.  Mr.  Jef 
ferson,  in  a  letter115  to  Monroe,  dated  Feb.  15th, 
1801,  gives  the  following  account  of  these  occur 
rences.  "  If  they  could  have  been  permitted  to 
pass  a  law  for  putting  the  government  in  the  hands 
of  an  officer,  they  would  certainly  have  prevented 
an  election.  But  we  thought  it  best  one  and  all  to 
declare  openly  and  firmly,  that  the  day  such  an 
act  passed,  the  Middle  States  would  arm,  and  that 
no  such  usurpation,  even  for  a  single  day,  should 
be  submitted  to.  The  first  shook  them,  and  they 
were  completely  alarmed  at  the  resource  for  which 
we  declared,  to  wit,  a  convention  to  reorganize  the 
government  and  amend  it.  The  very  word  con 
vention  gives  them  the  horrors,  as  in  the  present 
democratical  spirit  of  America,  they  fear  they  should 
lose  some  of  their  favourite  morsels  of  the  consti 
tution." 


GENERAL  MUHLENBEE.G.  329 

The  plan  thus  faintly  shadowed  forth  was  un 
doubtedly  firmly  resolved  upon  as  an  ultimate 
resort,  and  preparations  fully  made  for  carrying 
it  into  execution.  General  Muhlenberg  was  selected 
as  the  head  of  the  military  force  necessary,  and 
the  militia  of  Pennsylvania  under  his  command 
were  to  march  immediately  upon  the  capital  and 
depose  the  usurping  government,  whilst  the  states 
called  a  convention  to  amend  the  constitution.  It 
would  have  been  a  fearful  blow  to  the  cause  of 
self-government,  and  every  American  should  thank 
heaven  that  so  great  a  calamity  was  averted.  But 
before  condemning  those  engaged  in  the  scheme, 
among  whom  were  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe, 
M'Kean,  and  others  of  the  purest  patriots  in  the 
country,  it  would  be  well  to  inquire  whether  a 
quiet  submission  to  so  fatal  a  violation  of  the 
constitution,  would  not  have  been  a  greater  blow 
to  the  liberties  of  the  nation,  than  even  a  restora 
tion  of  the  constitution  bv  force.  At  all  events 

i 

no  one  can  doubt  that  the  actors  were  influenced 
by  the  purest  motives,  and  by  what  they  firmly 
believed  to  be  the  good  of  the  country.  The  dan 
gerous  nature  of  the  scheme  probably  prevented 
any  part  of  it  being  committed  to  writing,  the 
28* 


330  MEMOIR  OF 

extract  from  Jefferson's  letter  being  the  only  docu 
mentary  evidence  the  writer  has  been  able  to  find ; 
the  other  facts  above  stated  were  related  by  General 
Muhlenberg  himself  to  his  nephew,  shortly  after 
their  occurrence. 

On  the  18th  of  February,  1801,  he  was  elected 
a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate  from  Penn 
sylvania.  A  few  months  after  taking  his  seat, 
however,  he  resigned  this  post,  and  on  the  30th 
of  June,  in  the  same  year,  received  from  Mr.  Jef 
ferson  the  appointment  of  Supervisor  of  the  Internal 
Revenue  for  that  state.  In  July,  1802,  he  was 
appointed  Collector  of  the  Port  of  Philadelphia, 
a  highly  important  and  lucrative  office,  which  he 
retained  until  his  death,  which  occurred  at  his 
country  seat  near  Philadelphia,  on  the  1st  of 
October,  1807. 

During  the  whole  of  this  period,  General  Muh 
lenberg  maintained  an  active  connexion  with  the 
leading  men  and  measures  of  the  day.  His  inti 
macy  with  Jefferson,  Madison,  Gallatin,  Monroe, 
(the  last  of  whom  had  been  a  member  of  his 
military  family,)  and  others  of  the  leading  states 
men  of  the  Union,  continued  unabated,  whilst  in 
his  native  state,  the  weight  of  his  character,  his 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  331 

probity  and  revolutionary  services,  caused  him  to 
be  regarded  as  one  of  the  first  of  Pennsylvania's 
sons.  Esteemed  and  respected  by  both  political 
parties,  his  opinions  exerted  an  almost  controlling 
influence  with  those  of  his  own  political  principles. 
The  Germans  especially  regarded  him  as  their 
peculiar  leader,  and  their  weight  in  the  state,  at 
all  times  great,  was  then  at  its  acme.  In  addition 
to  the  esteem  his  own  services  had  gained,  he  had 
inherited  a  large  portion  of  the  regard  universally 
felt  for  his  late  venerated  father,  the  patriarch  of 
the  Germans  in  America ;  and  whatever  other  faults 
this  class  of  our  citizens  may  possess,  forgetfulness 
of  those  who  have  served  them  certainly  cannot 
be  ranked  among  their  bad  qualities.116 

The  immediate  cause  of  his  death  was  an  affec 
tion  of  the  liver,  originating  from  the  exposure  he 
had  endured  in  his  southern  campaigns.  It  was 
the  cause  of  much  suffering  during  the  last  year 
of  his  life,  which  he  bore  with  the  fortitude  of  a 
soldier  until  its  fatal  termination.  He  died  lamented 
by  all  who  knew  him. 

He  was  tall  in  person,  very  active  in  body,  and 
of  undaunted  bravery.  His  coolness  and  determi 
nation,  combined  with  his  correct  judgment,  made 


332  MEMOIR  OF 

him  one  of  the  men  on  whom  General  Washington 
relied  for  success,  and  upon  whom  from  previous 
personal  knowledge  he  could  depend.  He  was 
modest  in  regard  to  his  own  actions  and  claims, 
and  always  careless  in  asserting  them.  He  was 
easy  and  popular  in  his  manner,  retaining  through 
out  life  the  frankness  of  the  soldier.  A  stern 
republican,  he  was  ever  on  the  side  of  the  people, 
and  unhesitating  and  undeviating  in  his  opposition 
to  all  aristocratic  measures. 

In  the  language  of  another,117  his  character  is 
thus  summed  up :  "  General  Muhlenberg  was  one 
of  those  characters  which  in  a  revolution  always 
find  their  level.  He  was  by  nature  a  soldier. 
The  frolic  incident  of  his  youth  indicated  the  turn 
of  his  mind.  He  entered  the  church,  doubtless, 
with  as  sincere  and  honest  purposes  as  any  of 
her  ministry,  but  the  agony  of  his  country  called 
him  from  the  altar  with  a  voice  that  touched 
every  chord  of  his  soul.  The  time  for  fighting 
had  come — the  time  to  try  men's  souls.  His  whole 
heart  was  with  his  country;  rebellion  against  tyrants 
was  obedience  to  God,  and  so  feeling  and  so 
thinking,  he  went  forth  from  the  temple  to  the 
field.  He  was  brave  and  generous  to  a  fault,  a 


GENERAL  MUHLENBERG.  333 

proper  brigadier  to  Greene,  who  loved  him.  Cool 
in  danger,  sound  in  judgment,  indifferent  to  fame, 
zealous  in  duty :  these  were  his  distinguishing  traits 
as  a  soldier.  His  virtues  in  private  and  political 
life  were  all  cognate  to  these." 

But  two  of  his  sons,  Peter,  a  major  in  the  army 
during  the  late  war  with  Britain,  and  Francis,  a 
representative  in  Congress  from  Ohio,  survived 
him.  Both  are  since  deceased. 

His  remains  rest  quietly  beside  the  tomb  of  his 
father,  near  the  peaceful  village  church  which 
witnessed  his  baptism.  The  following  simple  in 
scription  marks  the  spot: 

SACRED 

TO  THE  MEMORY  OF 

GENERAL  PETER  MUHLENBERG, 

BORN  OCT.  1ST,  1746.    DIED  OCT.  1ST,  1807. 

HE  WAS  BRAVE  IN  THE  FIELD, 

FAITHFUL  IN  THE  CABINET, 

HONOURABLE  IN  ALL  HIS  TRANSACTIONS, 

A  SINCERE  FRIEND, 

AND 
AN  HONEST  MAN. 


NOTES. 


(1.)  THE  character  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Muhlenberg  has 
been  ably  treated  in  a  number  of  works.  As  the  founder 
of  the  Lutheran  Church  in  America,  his  history  has  par 
ticularly  attracted  the  attention  of  the  divines  of  that 
sect.  In  Dr.  Schmucker's  History  of  the  Religious 
Denominations  in  the  United  States, — "  He  Pasa  Eccle- 
sia," — an  excellent  summary  of  his  character,  his  ser 
vices,  and  his  zeal,  may  be  found.  "  Dcr  Hallische 
Nachrichtcn,"  contains  his  own  reports  to  the  Church  in 
Germany,  which  show  most  clearly  the  difficulties  he 
encountered,  and  the  perseverance  which  eventuated  in 
his  success.  Other  works  upon  the  same  point  might 
be  referred  to,  especially  "  Der  Denkmal  der  Liebe, 
1788,"  and  "  The  Centenary  Jubilee  of  1843." 

(2.)  The  dangers  incurred  by  Dr.  Muhlenberg  in  the 
progress  of  his  missionary  labours,  are  fully  related  by 
all  cotemporaneous  authorities.  See  "  Hallische  Nach 
richtcn  fur  1757  ;"  History  of  Berks  County,  p.  71, 
439;  and  MS.  Letters  of  Conrad  Weiser,  Department  of 
State,  Harrisburg. 

(3.)  The  name  of  "  Father  Muhlenberg"  was  bestow 
ed  upon  its  venerable  senior,  by  the  common  consent  of 
the  members  of  the  Lutheran  Church.  As  a  token  of 
reverence  and  respect,  it  is  still  unforgotten.  "  Cente- 


336  NOTES. 

nary  Jubilee  of  1843,"  p.  15;    "  Denkmal  der  Liebe, 
1788,"  p.  51  ;  "  He  Pasa  Ecclesia,"  384. 

(4.)  At  this  time  the  traces  of  the  Swedish  dominion 
in  Pennsylvania,  were  still  plainly  visible.  Many  Swed 
ish  Lutheran  churches  still  existed,  among  which  were 
the  one  near  Philadelphia,  one  at  Morlatton,  and  several 
in  Chester  and  Delaware  Counties.  As  late  as  the  year 
1762,  they  were  under  the  direction  of  the  Rev.  Provost 
Dr.  Wrangel  (H.  M.  M.'s  MS.  Journal  for  1762),  who 
had  been  sent  to  America  from  Stockholm.  After  his 
return,  their  want  of  a  spiritual  head  gradually  destroyed 
their  organization.  Some  united  themselves  with  the 
Church  of  England,  but  the  greater  number  became 
incorporated  with  the  German  Lutheran  Church. 

(5.)  The  proceedings  of  this  meeting  are  published  in 
full  in  the  Virginia  Gazette,  for  August  4th,  1774,  a  file 
of  which  paper  is  preserved  in  the  Congressional  Library 
at  Washington. 

(6.)  In  order  to  invest  the  proceedings  of  the  Wil- 
liamsburg  Convention  with  more  authority,  at  the  recom 
mendation  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  the  delegates 
were  chosen  members  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  so 
that  the  Convention  was  in  reality  the  Legislature,  sit 
ting  under  another  name.  Tucker's  Life  of  Jefferson, 
vol.  i.  p.  57. 

(7.)  Proceedings  of  the  Williamsburg  Convention,  in 
the  Congressional  Library  at  Washington. 

(8.)  The  following  table,  showing  the  organization  of 
the  Virginia  line,  as  originally  established,  may  not  be 
without  interest,  as  its  compilation  has  been  a  matter  of 
some  difficulty.  The  first,  column  shows  the  dates  of 


NOTES.  337 

the  state   commissions ;  the   second,  the    date  of  those 
issued  by  the  Continental  Congress. 

State.  Continental. 

1st  Regt.  Col.  Patrick  Henry.  i 

Lt.  Col.  William  Christian,   (   July,  1775.      Feb.  13th,  1776. 
Major  Frank  Eppes.  \ 

2d  Regt.  Col.  William  Woodford,  1 

Lt.  Col.  Charles  Scott,  '    July,  1775.      Feb.  13th,  1776. 

Major  Alex.  Spottswood.         ^ 

3d  Regt.  Col.  Hugh  Mercer,  i 

Lt.  Col.  George  Weedon,          V   Dec.  1775.        Feb.  13th,  1776. 
Major  Thomas  Marshal.          j 

4th  Regt.  Col.  Adam  Stephen, 

Lt.  Col.  Isaac  Reed,  <.   Dec.  1775.       Feb.  13th,  177G. 

Major  Robert  Lawson. 

5th  Regt.  Col.  William  Peachey, 

Lt.  Col.  William  Crawford,     $.   Dec.  1775.        Feb.  13th,  1776. 
Major  Josiah  Parker. 

Cth  Regt.  Col.  Mordecai  Buckner, 

Lt.  Col.  Thomas  Elliott,          J.   Dec.  1775.        Feb.  13th,  1776. 
Major  James  Hendricks. 

7th  Regt.  Col.  William  Dangerfield, 

Lt.  Col.  Alex.  M'Lanahan,       $.   Dec.  1775.        Feb.  13th,  1776. 
Major  William  Nelson. 

8th  Regt.  Col.  Peter  Muhlenberg, 

Lt.  Col.  Abraham  Bowman,    ^    Dec.  1775.        Feb.  13th,  1776. 
Major  P.  Hclfenstein, 

9th  Regt.  Col.  Thomas  Fleming, 

Lt.  Col.  George  Matthew?,      ^.   Jan.  1776.        May,  1776. 
Major  M.  Donovan. 


i 


I 

(   Dec.  177; 


i 


(9.)  The  facts  stated  in  this  account  of  General  Muh- 
lenberg's  farewell  sermon  are  abundantly  established  by 
all  cotemporaneous  accounts.  See  particularly  Thatch 
er's  Military  Journal,  p.  184  ;  Howe's  Historical  Collec 
tions  of  Virginia,  p.  468  ;  KerchevaPs  History  of  the 
29 


338 


NOTES. 


Valley  of  Virginia,  p.  188  ;  Rogers's  Remembrancer  of 
American  Heroes,  Statesmen,  and  Sages,  p.  360  ;  and 
Baird's  Religion  in  America,  p.  113. 

It  has  also  been  frequently  referred  to  in  accounts  of 
the  services  of  the  German  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
most  of  the  statements,  however,  containing  some  incor 
rect  particulars.  It  was  in  truth  a  bold  and  gallant  act, 
and  one  well  worthy  of  remembrance  by  the  American 
people. 

(10.)  General  Lee's  Letter  to  Colonel  Muhlenberg,  of 
April  23d,  1770,  Congressional  Library;  Sparks's  Life 
of  Lee,  p.  118. 

(11.)  General  Lee's  Letter  to  Edmund  Pendleton, 
June  1st,  1776  ;  American  Archives,  vol.  ii.  ;  Sparks's 
Life  of  Lee,  p.  124. 

(12.)  General  Lee's  Letter  to  Colonel  Moultric,  June 
23d,  1776. 

(13.)  General  Lee's  Letter  to  Pendleton,  June  29th, 
1776  ;  American  Archives,  vol.  ii. 

(14.)  Everett's  Life  of  Henry,  p.  310. 

(15.)  The  8th  Virginia  regiment  was  generally  known 
as  the  "  German  Regiment."  By  that  name  it  is  de 
signated  in  the  Orderly  Books  of  Generals  Washington 
and  Muhlenberg,  during  the  campaigns  of  1777,  1778, 
and  1779.  An  account  of  the  "  German  Regiment"  is 

O 

to  be  found  in  Kercheval's  History  of  the  Valley,  p.  188. 
The  regimental  colour  of  this  corps  is  still  in  the  writer's 
possession.  It  is  made  of  plain  salmon-coloured  silk, 
with  a  broad  fringe  of  the  same,  having  a  simple  white 
scroll  in  the  centre,  upon  which  are  inscribed  the  words, 
"  Vill  Virga  Reg1."  The  spear  head  is  brass,  conside- 


NOTES.  331) 

rably  ornamented.  The  banner  bears  the  traces  of 
warm  service,  and  is  probably  the  only  Revolutionary 
flag  still  in  existence. 

(16.)  General  Lee's  letter  of  June  22d,  1782. 
(17.)  Moultrie's  Revolution  in  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
vol.  i.  pp.  184,  186. 

(18.)  Henry  Melchior  Muhlenberg's  MS.  Journal, 
under  date  of  Jan.  5th,  1777. 

(19.)  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  ii.  p.  19. 

(20.)  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  ii.  p.  47. 

(21.)  Extracted  from  the  MS.  Washington  Papers,  in 
the  Department  of  State  at  Washington. 

(22.)  Letter  from  Colonel  Johnson,  aide-de-camp  to 
General  Muhlenberg,  from  the  MS.  Washington  Papers. 
Appendix  No.  1. 

(23.)  This  officer  was  General  Andrew  Lewis.  He 
had  been  appointed  a  Brigadier-General,  March  1st, 
1776,  and  bore  the  reputation  of  a  skilful  officer.  He 
resigned  because  General  Stephen,  who  was  his  inferior, 
was  on  Feb.  19th,  1777,  promoted  over  his  head  to  the 
rank  of  major-general. 

(24.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  73  ;  General 
Muhlenberg's  MS.  Orderly  Book,  for  1777. 

(25.)  General  Muhlenberg's  Orderly  Book,  for  June 
22d,  1777  ;  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  vol.  i. 
p.  148. 

(26.)  General  Muhlenberg's  Orderly  Book,  July  8th, 
1777. 

(27.)  Extracted  from  the  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(28.)  General  Muhlenberg's  Orderly  Book,  for  Aug. 
23d,  1777. 


340  NOTES. 

(29.)  The  question  of  General  Sullivan's  negligence 
in  omitting  to  secure  the  ford  above  the  Forks,  is  still  an 
open  question.  See  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p. 
75,  and  Peabody's  Life  of  Sullivan,  p.  74. 

(30.)  Lord  Sterling's  division  was  accidentally  formed 
on  the  right  of  Sullivan's,  and  during  the  confusion 
arising  from  changing  positions,  the  enemy's  attack  was 
made  and  succeeded.  General  De  Borre  was  much 
blamed  for  commencing  this  change  of  position  without 
orders.  His  brigade  broke  first,  and  upon  a  court  of 
inquiry  being  ordered  upon  his  conduct,  he  resigned  and 
returned  to  France,  saying  that  "  it  was  not  his  fault 
that  the  American  troops  would  not  fight."  He  had  be 
haved  very  gallantly,  and  was  wounded  in  the  attempt 
to  rally  his  men ;  but  his  foreign  prejudices  rendered 
him  unpopular,  and  his  resignation  was  accepted. 

(31.)  The  truth  of  this  extraordinary  march  of 
Greene's  division  is  established  beyond  a  doubt.  John 
son's  Life,  vol.  i.  p.  76 ;  Greene's  Life,  p.  53. 

(32.)  Bulletin  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  vol.  i.  No.  7,  p.  12  ;  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene, 
vol.  i.  p.  76. 

(33.)  Historical  Society  Bulletin,  p.  12. 
(34.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  76. 
(35.)  CaldwelPs   Life  of  Greene,  p.   57  ;   Johnson's 
Life,  vol.  i.  p.  77;  Marshall's  Washington;  Historical 
Society  Bulletin,  p.  12. 

(36.)  The  anonymous  author  of  the  Annual  Register 
for  1777,  p.  423.  This  work  is  said  to  be  the  best  and 
most  impartial  account  of  the  American  Revolution 
extant, 


NOTES.  341 

(37.)  Caldwell's  Life  of  Greene,  p.  58. 

(38.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  77. 

(39.)  General  Muhlenberg's  Orderly  Book  for  Sep 
tember  12th,  1777. 

(40.)  The  following  extracts  from  the  German  MS. 
Journal  of  H.  M.  Muhlenberg  about  this  time,  will  no 
doubt  prove  interesting.  His  residence  was  at  the 
Trappe,  or  New  Providence,  directly  in  the  midst  of 
the  operations  of  both  armies.  The  extracts  also  show 
the  sufferings  endured  by  the  American  army  during 
this  campaign. 

"Thursday,  September  llth,  1777. — This  morning 
we  heard  hard  and  long-continued  cannonading,  which 
seemed  to  be  about  thirty  miles  off  towards  the  Brandy- 
wine  Creek. 

"  Friday,  September  12th. — We  received  one  message 
after  another,  that  the  loss  of  the  American  army  was 
very  serious,  and  this  evening  my  son  Fred  returned 
from  Philadelphia,  with  his  wife  and  child,  with  the 
news  that  the  British  army  was  already  near  the  city. 
In  the  afternoon,  six  wagons  with  a  guard  passed  by ; 
they  conveyed  the  principal  captive  Quakers  to  Augusta 
Co.,  Virginia.  Now,  Pennsylvania,  prepare  to  meet  the 
Lord  your  God." 

"  Sunday,  September  14th. — A  restless  Sabbath.  No 
end  to  chaises,  coaches,  and  wagons  with  fugitives.  A 
gentleman  of  intelligence  informed  me  where  the  British 
army  was  encamped,  and  supposed  that  a  division  would 
cross  the  Schuylkill  near  us  and  take  the  great  road  to 
Philadelphia,  and  that  our  Providence  would  be  the 
scene  of  their  march,  or  even  the  battle-field." 
29* 


342  NOTES. 

"Tuesday,  September  16th. — This  afternoon  about 
one  o'clock  we  heard  towards  the  southwest,  about 
fourteen  miles  from  us,  a  sharp  battle  with  field-pieces 
and  small  arms,  in  the  midst  of  heavy  rain." 

"  Wednesday,  September  17th.  —  Since  yesterday, 
and  the  whole  night  through,  the  stormy  rain  has 
continued  and  still  continues.  The  poor  children  of  men 
in  both  armies  are  badly  off,  and  must  bear  the  cold  wind 
and  rain  without  tents  or  shelter,  which,  particularly 
at  this  period  of  the  equinox,  causes  serious  illness. 
Here  am  I,  old  and  worn  out,  with  a  sick  wife  subject 
to  hysterical  paroxysms,  have  with  me  two  daughters, 
two  sons'  wives  with  two  infant  children,  and  my  sons' 
parents-in-law,  and  expect  every  day  and  hour  that  a 
British  division  will  cross  the  Schuykill  and  treat  us 
without  distinction,  as  the  providence  of  God  has  ordered 
and  will  allow.  We  cannot  well  fly,  for  there  is  no 
place  safe.  Where  the  two  armies  do  not  reach,  there 
are  thieves,  robbers,  and  murderers,  who  take  advantage 
of  the  present  time  and  condition." 

"Friday,  September  19th. — In  the  afternoon  we  had 
news  that  the  British  troops  on  the  other  side  of  Schuyl- 
kill  had  marched  down  towards  Providence,  and  with 
a  telescope  we  could  see  their  camp.  In  consequence 
of  this,  the  American  army,  four  miles  from  us,  forded 
the  Schuylkill  and  came  upon  the  Philadelphia  road,  at 
the  Augustus  Church,  but  were  wet  breast  high.  His 
Excellency,  General  Washington,  was  with  the  troops 
who  marched  past  here  to  the  Perkiomcn.  The  pro 
cession  lasted  the  whole  night,  and  we  had  all  kinds  of 
visits  from  officers  wet  to  the  breast,  who  had  to  march 


NOTES.  343 

in  that  condition  the  cold  damp  night  through,  and  to 
bear  hunger  and  thirst  at  the  same  time.  This  robs 
them  of  courage  and  health,  and  instead  of  prayers,  we 
hear  from  most,  the  national  evil,  curses. 

"  Saturday,  September  20. — The  two  armies  are  near 
together,  the  Americans  on  this  side  and  the  British  on 
the  other  side  of  Schuylkill.  Our  weaker  vessels  have 
baked  bread  twice  to-day,  and  distributed  all  the  food 
we  had  to  the  sick  and  ailing.  In  the  evening  a  nurse, 
with  three  English  children  of  a  fugitive  family  of  con 
sequence,  from  Philadelphia,  arrived,  and  could  get  no 
farther,  as  it  was  night.  They  begged  for  lodging, 
which  we  granted,  as  good  or  bad  as  we  had  it.  '  Give 
shelter  willingly,'  (Rom.  xii.  13,)  particularly  to  chil 
dren,  who  are  yet  saints.  There  were  also  two  negroes, 
servants  of  the  English  family,  who  wished  to  one  an 
other  in  secret  that  the  British  might  be  victorious,  as 
then  all  negro  slaves  would  become  free ;  and  this  opi 
nion  is  said  to  be  general  among  all  negroes  in  America. 

"Sunday,  September  21. — In  the  afternoon  we  heard 
that  the  British  army  was  in  motion,  and  that  it  was 
probable  they  would  come  upon  the  great  road  at  our 
house,  and  attack  the  American  army.  We  were  ad 
vised  to  fly,  as  a  battle  might  take  place,  and  our  house 
be  plundered  or  burned.  My  son  Henry's  wife  deter 
mined  to  go  to  New  Hanover,  and  wished  us  two  old 
people  to  accompany  her.  I  saw  no  possibility,  but 
wished  my  sickly  wife  to  go  and  leave  me  behind  alone. 
She  was  not  to  be  persuaded,  but  would  rather  live, 
suffer,  and  die  with  me,  in  Providence.  At  twelve 
o'clock  at  night  the  advance  of  the  American  army, 


344  NOTES. 

with  many  field-pieces,  came  past,  and  some  of  them 
knocked  at  our  door,  as  if  to  break  it  in.  Our  people 
rose,  asked  them  what  they  wanted,  and  were  answered, 
'  Fire.'  A  German  captain,  however,  drove  them  oft'. 

"Monday,  September  22. —  The  whole  American 
army  came  back,  and  encamped  a  mile  above  our 
house,  because  it  was  said  the  English  were  crossing 
and  coming  upon  the  great  road  at  our  house,  and  the 
battle  was  to  take  place  here.  We  had  to-day  very  cold 
and  rough  winds,  which,  with  the  equinoxes  and  other 
incidents,  have  rendered  me  quite  sickly.  We  have  the 
whole  day  had  calls  from  hungry  and  thirsty  soldiers." 

"  Wednesday,  September  24. — Last  night  we  slept 
quietly,  under  the  gracious  protection  of  God.  A  por 
tion  of  the  British  army  is  still  lying  about  five  miles 
from  our  house,  and  to-day  the  American  army  is  com 
ing  back  from  New  Hanover.  Towards  evening  we 
saw  several  high  rising  smokes,  and  are  informed  that 
the  British  have  burned  the  houses  of  many  militia  offi 
cers.  It  is  supposed  they  will  come  up  and  attack  the 
American  avant-guard  to-night. 

"  Thursday,  September  25. — God's  might  and  good 
ness  has  listened  to  our  prayers  and  protected  us.  All 
is  quiet,  and  the  American  army  has  not.  returned  from 
New  Hanover.  The  report  is  that  the  British  soldiers 
behave  barbarously.  They  yesterday  hanged  up  an  old 
man  of  seventy  or  eighty  years  of  age,  and  when  nearly 
dead  cut  him  down  again ;  to-day  will  have  its  own 
evils.  Yesterday  evening  we  had  plenty  of  visiters,  and 
to-day  we  had  to  breakfast  Lord  Sterling,  General 
Wayne,  their  aids,  and  other  officers.  At  two  in  the 


NOTES.  345 

afternoon  a  cold,  heavy  rain  commenced,  and  continued 
nearly  all  night.  The  poor  soldiers  must  suffer  much, 
as  they  have  no  tents.  Our  barn  was  full  of  those  seek 
ing  shelter,  and  the  little  hay  which  we  had  saved  for 
winter  was  scattered  and  spoiled. 

"  Tuesday,  September  30. — Since  yesterday  the  main 
American  army  is  said  to  have  advanced  on  the  Skip- 
pack  Road,  and  to  be  only  twenty-three  miles  from 
Philadelphia.  In  our  vicinity  the  militia  are  stationed, 
which  is  ruin  to  the  farms  in  wood,  hay,  straw,  and 
grain.  I  can  neither  read  nor  write  in  these  restless 
times,  and  cannot  be  thankful  enough  for  the  gracious 
goodness,  protection,  grace,  and  mercy  of  our  Saviour, 
which  has  governed  us  miserable  worms  up  to  this  time. 
My  children  and  family  are  scattered  one  here  and  the 
other  there.  Mr.  Kunze  and  his  family  have  remained 
in  Philadelphia." 

"  Friday,  October  3. — There  is  a  report  that  at  day 
light  to-morrow  the  British  outposts  at  Barren  Hill  and 
Gcrmantovvn  will  be  attacked. 

"  Saturday,  October  4. — Early  in  the  morning  we 
heard  several  field-pieces,  and  in  the  evening  were  told 
that  the  advanced  forces  of  both  sides  had  fought  and 
been  driven  backwards  and  forwards,  until  two  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon ;  that  the  American  forces  were  retreat 
ing,  and  would  again  encamp  in  their  old  position.  The 
British  advance,  on  this  side  of  Germantown,  had  planted 
cannon  about  our  Lutheran  church,  and  fired  out  of  the 
windows,  but  were  driven  out  at  the  first  attack.  It  may 
easily  be  imagined  in  what  condition  it  is.  The  church 
at  Barren  Hill  is  not  likely  to  be  better  off;  the  one  at 


310  NOTES. 

Reading  is  used  as  a  hospital,  and  is  full  of  wounded, 
and  the  one  at  the  village  of  Lebanon  is  full  of  Hessian 
captives." 

(41.)  The  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(42.)  Vide  maps  of  the  battle  of  Germantown,  in  John 
son's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.,  and  Sparks's  Life  of  Wash 
ington. 

(43.)  In  this,  as  in  almost  every  other  battle  of  the 
Revolutionary  war,  the  militia  proved  themselves  useless. 
Their  valour  seems  to  have  confined  itself  to  ill  treatment 
of  the  inhabitants,  as  they  generally  behaved  very  much 
as  though  they  were  in  an  enemy's  country.  The  fol 
lowing  extract  from  Dr.  Muhlenberg's  MS.  Journal, 
shows  the  light  in  which  they  were  regarded  by  even 
the  warmest  Whigs ;  for  nowhere  is  the  same  language 
used  with  regard  to  the  Continentals:  —  "Saturday, 
Sept.  27.  To-day  I  was  requested  to  bury  the  child 
of  one  of  our  vestrymen.  I  went  to  the  church,  but 
found  to  my  sorrow  that  a  regiment  of  Pennsylvania 
militia  had  quartered  in  the  church  and  school-house. 
The  church  was  quite  filled  with  officers  and  soldiers, 
and  their  arms.  It  was  full  at  the  organ,  on  which  one 
was  playing,  and  others  singing  to  it ;  below  was  an 
abundance  of  straw  and  manure,  and  on  the  altar  they 
had  their  victuals.  In  short,  I  saw  in  miniature  the 
spirit  of  destruction  in  holy  places.  1  went  in,  but  did 
not  think  it  prudent  to  say  anything  to  the  crowd,  as 
they  began  to  mock,  and  several  called  to  the  player  of 
the  organ  to  play  a  Hessian  march.  I  sought  Colonel 
Dunlap,  and  asked  if  this  was  the  promised  protection 
to  civil  and  religious  liberty.  He  excused  himself  by 


NOTES.  347 

saying  that  the  militia  was  composed  of  men  of  all 
nations,  and  it  was  difficult  to  keep  up  strict  discipline 
with  them.  The  schoolmaster  complained  that  they  had 
destroyed  his  buckwheat  and  garden  vegetables.  I  could 
not  help  him,  as  my  own  lot  of  three  acres,  near  the 
church,  which  was  full  of  buckwheat  in  blossom,  and 
from  which  I  had  hoped  a  frugal  supply  for  the  winter, 
had  twenty  horses  in  it,  wasting  far  more  than  they 
consumed ;  and  if  one  says  a  word,  you  are  called  a 
Tory. 

"  Wednesday,  Oct.  1. — This  morning  several  American 
regiments  marched  off  with  flying  colours  to  join  the 
main  army.  There  are  still  from  2  to  3000  men  in  this 
vicinity,  mostly  militia,  commanded  by  Major-General 
Armstrong. 

"  Thursday,  Oct.  2. — The  remaining  militia  marched 
down  the  great  road,  as  the  main  army  is  said  to  have 
advanced  on  the  Skippack  Road  nearer  town.  It  looks 
as  if  an  army  of  locusts  had  been  here." 

(44.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  85,  86. 

(45.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  86. 

(4t>.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  87. 

(47.)  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  vol.  i.  p.  169. 

(48.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  87. 

(49.)  Hubley,  Anecdotes  of  the  Late  War. 

(50.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  pp.  90,  91. 

(51.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(52.)  Related  by  a  sister  of  General  Muhlenbcrg,  at 
that  time  residing  with  her  parents. 

(53.)  Related  by  the  Rev.  J.  W.  Richards,  pastor  of 


348  NOTES. 

the  Lutheran  church  at  the  Trappe,  to  whom  it  had  been 
told  by  several  of  his  oldest  parishioners. 

(54.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(55.)  General  Weedon's  letter  to  the  President  of 
Congress,  dated  Dec.  29,  1777.  MS.  in  Department 
of  State,  Washington. 

(56.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(57.)  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  ii.  p.  484. 

(58.)  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  iii.  p.  418. 

(59.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(60.)  General  Muhlenberg's  Orderly  Book  for  1778. 

(61.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(62.)  Adjutant-General  Hand's  MS.  papers.  Lan 
caster,  Pa. 

(63.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  105. 

(64.)  The  Annual  Register  for  1778. 

(65.)  General  Hand's  MS.  papers. 

(66.)  General  Washington's  letter  of  Aug.  4th,  1778. 

(67.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(68.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(69.)  Thatcher's  Military  Journal,  p.  184.  This  ex 
cellent  work  gives  perhaps  the  best  insight  into  the  actual 
condition  of  things  in  the  Revolutionary  army  that  can 
be  obtained.  The  author  had  great  opportunities,  of 
which  he  made  good  use. 

(70.)  Military  Journal,  p.  188. 

(71.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(72.)  Lee's  Memoirs  of  the  War,  p.  53. 

(73.)  Lee's  Memoirs  of  the  War,  p.  189. 

(74.)  Bowen's  Life  of  Steuben,  pp.  60-67. 


NOTES.  349 

(To.)  MS.  Journal  of  H.  M.  Muhlenberg,  Jan.  to 
March,  17SO. 

(76.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(77.)  MS.  Washington  Papers. 

(78.)  Jefferson's  Correspondence,  vol.  i.  p.  191. 

(79.)  General  Muhlenberg's  Orderly  Book. 

(80.)  Extracted  from  the  Gates  Papers,  in  the  MS. 
collections  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society. 

(81.)  General  Muhlenberg's  Orderly  Book,  Nov.  17, 
1780. 

(82.)  Jefferson's  Correspondence,  vol.  i.  p.  194. 

(83.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  331. 

(84.)  Extracted  from  the  Steuben  Papers,  in  the  MS. 
collections  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society. 

(85.)  Bowen's  Life  of  Steuben,  p.  58. 

(86.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  437 ;  Greene's 
MS.  papers,  in  the  possession  of  P.  M.  Nightingale, 
Esq.,  Ga. 

(87.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  437. 

(88.)  Johnson's  Life  of  Greene,  vol.  i.  p.  438. 

(89.)  This  officer  was  a  Captain  North.  Johnson 
says,  p.  438,  "  We  do  not  find  that  Captain  North  ever 
incurred  the  censure  which  this  act  merited ;  but  it  was 
impossible  to  justify  it." 

(90.)  MS.  Steuben  Papers. 

(91.)  Sec  Appendix,  Nos.  37-40. 

(92.)  Simcoe's  Military  Journal,  p.  181. 

(93.)  Correspondence  of  Lafayette,  edited  by  his  son, 
vol.  i.  Appendix. 

(94.)  General  Muhlenberg's  Orderly  Book  for  1781. 

(95.)  General  Hand's  MS.  papers. 
30 


350  NOTES. 

(96.)  See  General  Greene's  letter — Arnold's  report — 
Simcoe's  Military  Journal. 

(97.)  Jefferson's  Correspondence,  vol.  i.  p.  219. 

(98.)  MS.  Steuben  Papers,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society. 

(99.)  MS.  Washington  Papers  ;  Memoir  of  Lafayette, 
vol.  i.  p.  513. 

(100.)  Memoir  of  Lafayette,  by  his  son,  vol.  i.  p.  524; 
Lee's  Memoir  of  the  War,  p.  299;  Tarleton's  Campaigns, 
p.  300,  347. 

(101.)  Memoir  of  Lafayette,  vol.  i.  p.  526. 

(102.)  The  Bland  Papers,  vol.  ii.  p.  71.  Colonel 
Febiger,  the  author  of  this  letter,  was  one  of  the  best 
officers  in  the  Virginia  line.  During  all  the  southern 
campaigns,  he  was  under  the  immediate  command  of 
General  Muhlenberg ;  and  his  papers,  as  well  as  those 
of  General  Greene  and  Baron  Steuben,  bear  abundant 
testimony  to  his  merits  as  a  gallant  and  accomplished 
officer. 

(103.)  From  the  MS.  papers  of  General  Greene.  This 
important  letter  has  been  hitherto  unpublished. 

(104.)  Memoir  of  Lafayette,  vol.  i.  p.  443. 

(105.)  In  Trumbull's  painting  o.f  the  capitulation  of 
Yorktovvn,  in  the  rotunda  of  the  Capitol,  General  Muh- 
lenberg's  is  the  second  figure  from  the  left,  and  is  said 
to  be  an  excellent  likeness. 

(106.)  General  Hand's  MS.  papers. 

(107.)  General  Greene's  MS.  papers. 

(108.)  Proceedings  of  court-martial  at  Winchester, 
Washington  Papers. 

(109.)  General  Muhlenberg  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  major-general,  Sept.  30, 1783.  Journals  of  Congress, 


NOTES.  351 

vol.  iv.  p.  281.  The  resolution  directed  that  brevet  com 
missions  be  issued  to  all  the  brigadier-generals  and  colonels 
"  who  hold  the  same  commission  now  they  held  in  the  year 
1777."  The  following  generals  were  promoted.  1,  James 
Clinton,  of  N.Y.;  2,  John  Patterson,  of  Mass.;  3,  Anthony 
Wayne,  of  Pa. ;  4,  Peter  Muhlenberg,  of  Va.;  5,  George 
Clinton,  of  N.  Y. ;  6,  Edward  Hand,  of  Pa.;  7,  Jedediah 
Huntingdon,  of  Conn.;  8,  John  Stark,  of  N.  H. 

(110.)  Major  Ludeman  was  a  foreign  officer  of  great 
merit.  In  1780,  he  first  became  attached  to  General 
Muhlenberg's  staff,  and  served  with  the  utmost  distinc 
tion  until  the  close  of  the  war.  His  application  was 
successful,  and  General  Muhlenberg's  papers  show  many 
other  instances  of  the  pains  he  took  to  assist  the  officers 
who  had  served  under  his  command. 

(111.)  It  is  amusing  to  observe  the  form  and  cere 
mony,  the  official  pomp,  which  was  attempted  to  be 
cast  around  the  first  officers  of  the  national  government. 
The  Gazette  of  the  United  States  mentions  that  the 
Speaker  was  escorted  into  the  city  by  a  body  of  cavalry 
and  a  procession  of  citizens,  and  that  on  New  Year's 
day  both  houses  of  Congress  in  a  body  waited  upon 
the  Vice-President  and  Speaker,  to  present  their  con 
gratulations.  The  Speaker's  card  merely  bore  his  title 
without  his  name,  as  in  England,  and  in  many  other 
points  the  ceremonial  established  in  that  country  was 
studiously  observed. 

(112.)  Journals  of  the  first  Congress. 

(113.)  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  vol.  ii.  p.  435. 

(114.)  From  the  pen  of  the  Hon.  J.  Pringle  Jones. 
Democratic  Review,  vol.  xvi.  p.  70. 


352 


NOTES. 


(115.)  Jefferson's  Correspondence,  vol.  iii.  p.  452. 

(116.)  This  was  evidenced  by  General  Muhlen berg's 
connexion  with  the  German  Society.  In  1783,  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  that  body,  and  for  many  years 
annually  re-elected  its  president,  holding  that  position 
at  the  time  of  his  decease.  Almost  during  the  whole 
existence  of  the  Society,  his  father,  his  brother,  or  him 
self,  had  been  its  presiding  officer. 

(117.)  Democratic  Review,  vol.  xvi.  p.  70. 


APPENDIX. 


No.  1. 

Head-quarters,  Morristown,  9th  March,  1777. 
SIR,— 

I  am  commanded  by  his  Excellency  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  your  favour  of  the  23d  ult.,  by  Mr. 
Swain. 

In  addition  to  his  letter  of inst.,  which  I  hope 

has  reached  you  ere  this,  he  desires  that  you  will  use 
your  utmost  industry  and  diligence  in  collecting  together 
all  the  parts  of  the  Virginia  Continental  battalions  within 
your  reach,  and  send  them  off  to  Philadelphia  as  they 
assemble,  where  they  will  receive  orders  from  the  com 
manding  officer  stationed  in  that  city.  We  have  already 
wrote  to  Colonel  Morgan  on  this  subject,  and  Mr.  Swain 
has  orders  similar  to  Colonel  Wood.  These  being  im 
mediately  under  your  eye  you  can  despatch.  Let  a 
sufficient  number  of  proper  officers  from  each  battalion 
be  left  behind  for  the  purpose  of  recruiting,  with  orders 
to  follow  as  soon  as  any  of  them  has  completed  the 
quota  allotted  to  him. 

Much,   very   much    indeed   depends  upon  our  being 

reinforced   immediately ;   the   least  tardiness  in  the  re- 

cruiting  officers  must  produce  effects  which  they  may 

repent.      With    respect    to    the    eighth    battalion,   I   am 

30* 


a5  4  APPENDIX. 

desired  to  inform  you  that  his  Excellency  wishes  you 
would  nominate  ten  ensigns,  to  whom  he  will  give 
commissions  immediately  on  the  regiment  joining  the 
army,  provided  they  are  such  gentlemen  as  will  not 
disgrace  the  appointment  and  commission.  This,  how 
ever,  he  does  not  suspect,  convinced  that  you  will  not 
take  into  service  any  person  whom  his  Excellency  can 
with  propriety  discharge. 

Congress  having  confirmed  Major  Campbell  in  his 
office,  leaves  his  Excellency  no  power  to  remove  him 
but  for  the  commission  of  some  offence.  You  will  apply 
to  Captain  Stephenson  to  raise  his  company.  Till  he 
determines,  his  Excellency  inclines  not  to  interfere. 

Upon  your  recommendation  of  Mr.  Swain,  his  Excel 
lency  has  given  him  powers  to  raise  a  company  of  foot, 
and  to  appoint  his  subalterns.  This  company  will  be 
assigned  to  the  eighth,  if  Captain  Stephenson  inclines  to 
leave  the  service ;  if  not,  Mr.  Swain  will  serve  in  some 
one  of  the  sixteen  additionals. 

His  Excellency,  satisfied  with  the  justice  of  your 
observation  about  rifles,  has  determined  to  have  as  few 
used  as  possible.  He  will  put  muskets  into  the  hands 
of  all  those  battalions  that  are  not  very  well  acquainted 
with  rifles. 

To  conclude,  his  Excellency  expects  to  see  you  here 
in  a  few  days,  there  being  at  present  not  a  sufficient 
number  of  general  officers  with  the  army. 

I  am,  sir,  yours,  &c., 

G.  JOHNSTON, 

Aide-de-camp. 
To  Brig,  Gen.  Peter  Muhlenberg, 

Virginia. 


APPENDIX.  355 

No.  2. 

Head-quarters,  Morristown,  27th  April,  1777. 
SIR, — 

I  am  well  convinced  that  the  amazing  desertions 
which  have  of  late  prevailed  among  our  troops,  proceed 
entirely  from  their  not  being  regularly  paid.  For  it 
is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  bare  encouragement  of 
receiving  a  few  dollars  from  the  enemy  for  their  arms 
could  operate  so  forcibly  upon  them. 

I  have  in  vain  endeavoured  to  make  the  officers  bring 
in  their  pay-rolls  and  draw  their  money ;  they  plead  in 
excuse  that  they  are  so  detached,  they  cannot  possibly 
make  up  regular  rolls,  and  there  may  be  something  in 
this.  But  there  is  a  cause  which,  I  fear,  will  be  found 
upon  examination  too  true,  and  that  is,  that  th*e  officers 
have  drawn  large  sums  under  pretence  of  paying  their 
men,  but  have  been  obliged  from  extravagance,  and  for 
other  purposes,  to  appropriate  this  money  to  their  own 
use.  There  is  a  necessity  at  this  time  for  the  men's 
being  paid  up  as  nearly  as  possible.  I  therefore  desire 
that  you  will  have  the  different  corps  under  your  com 
mand  paraded,  inquire  of  them  what  pay  is  due  to  them, 
order  the  paymaster  or  commanding  officer  to  draw  as 
much  as  will  be  necessary,  and  when  it  is  drawn,  see 
that  the  soldiers  have  their  proportion. 

It  would  be  well  to  let  the  soldiers  know  that  this 
irregularity  of  pay  has  been  owing  to  the  hurry  in 
which  they  have  been  detached  into  the  field,  but  that 
their  wants  shall  be  fully  supplied. 


356  APPENDIX. 

I  also  desire  that  you  will  inform  the  officers  that  as 
soon  as  Ihe  regiments  are  drawn  together,  I  shall  cause 
an  exact  scrutiny  to  be  made  into  their  accounts,  and 
inquire  how  these  complaints  of  the  soldiers  arise  for 
want  of  pay,  when  large  sums  have  been  advanced  for 
that  purpose. 

I  am,  sir,  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg. 


No.  3. 

(Brigadier- General  Peter  Muhlenberg's  oath  of  allegi 
ance  to  the  United  States  of  America.) 

I,  Peter  Muhlenberg,  Brigadier-General,  do  acknow 
ledge  the  United  States  of  America  to  be  free,  indepen 
dent,  and  sovereign  States,  and  declare  that  the  people 
thereof  owe  no  allegiance  or  obedience  to  George  the 
Third,  King  of  Great  Britain ;  and  I  renounce,  refuse, 
and  abjure,  any  allegiance  or  obedience  to  him  ;  and  I 
do  swear  that  I  will,  to  the  utmost  of  my  power,  support, 
maintain,  and  defend,  the  said  United  States  against  the 
said  King  George  the  Third,  his  heirs  and  successors, 
and  his  or  their  abettors,  assistants,  and  adherents,  and 
will  serve  the  said  United  States  in  the  office  of  Briga 
dier-General,  which  I  now  hold,  with  fidelity,  according 
to  the  best  of  my  skill  and  understanding. 

P.  MUHLENBERG,  B.  G. 
Sworn  before  me  at  Camp, 

May  12th,  1778. 

G.  WASHINGTON. 


APPENDIX.  357 

No.  4. 

June  18th,  1778. 
SIR,— 

I  have  enclosed  the  arrangement  of  the  officers  of  the 
1st,  5th,  and  9th  Virginia  regiments;  if  it  meets  with 
his  Excellency's  approbation  I  would  wish  to  put  it  into 
execution  immediately,  as  it  would  be  needless  to  take 
the  supernumerary  officers  with  us  on  the  march,  while 
they  may  be  better  employed  in  the  recruiting  business 
in  Virginia.  If  his  Excellency  approves  the  arrange 
ment,  Lt.  Col.  Ballard  will  wait  on  him  for  orders  for 
the  whole  of  those  officers  going  into  Virginia,  as  Lt. 
Col.  Ballard  will  superintend  the  recruiting  business  for 
»ny  brigade. 

I  should  likewise  wish  to  know  whether  it  is  his  Ex 
cellency's  desire  I  should  make  the  arrangement  in 
General  Weedon's  brigade. 

I  am,  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  Col.  Harrison. 


No.  5. 

Head-quarters,  Valley  Forge,  June  18th,  1778. 
DEAR  SIR, — 

Colonel  Harrison  communicated  yours  of  this  date  to 
me,  with  the  temporary  arrangement  of  the  lst;  5th,  and 
9th  Virginia  regiments. 


358  APPENDIX. 

The  plan  is  agreeable  to  me,  and  if  the  same  mode 
can  be  pursued  in  General  Weedon's  brigade,  I  shall  be 
exceedingly  glad  to  have  it  adopted. 

Nothing  will  conduce  more  to  filling  the  regiments 
than  having  a  number  of  officers  to  receive  the  drafts  as 
they  arc  made,  and  forwarding  them  immediately  to 
camp.  Orders  will  be  made  out  for  Colonel  Ballard 
whenever  he  calls  for  them. 

I  am,  dear  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg. 


No.  6. 

(July   22d,   1778.      The  formation  of  brigades  of  the 
main  army,  extracted  from  the  Hand  MS.  Papers.) 


1.  North  Carolina.                           4.   Gen.  Scott. 
Col.  Clarke.  Col.  Wood. 

"     Patton.  "     Greene,  )       ..    . 

2.  Gen.  Woodford.  "     Gibson,    $ 

Col.  Heth.  "     Hall,  (Delaware.) 

"     Cropper.  "     Grayson. 

"     Mason. 
"     Febiger.  5.  Gen.  Glover. 

3.  Gen.  Muldeiiberg.  Col.  Sheppard. 
Col.  Parker.  "     Wrigglesworth. 

"     Daviess.  "    Bigelow. 

"     George  Gibson.  "     Vose. 

"     Smith. 


APPENDIX. 


359 


6.  Gen.  Patterson. 
Col.  Brewer. 

"  Marshall. 
"  Bradford. 
"  Tupper. 

7.  Laie  Learned. 
Col.  Bailey. 

"  Jackson. 
"  Wesson. 
"  Mead,  (Militia.) 

8.  Gen.  Poor. 
Col.  Cilley. 

"     Hall. 

"     Scammel. 

"     Hazen. 

9.  Gen.  Smallwood. 
Col.  Stone. 

"     Gist. 

"     Richardson. 

44     Gunby. 

10.  Second  Maryland. 
Col.  Price. 

"     Hall. 
"     Williams. 
German  Battalion. 

11.  General  Varnum. 
Col.  Angell. 

"     Sherburne. 
44     S.  B.  Webb. 
"     J.  Livingston. 


12.  Gen.  Nixon. 
Col.  Greaton. 

"     Nixon. 

"     Putnam. 

44     Wood,  (Militia.) 

13.  Gen.  Wayne. 
Col.  Chambers. 

"     Stewart. 
"     Irvine. 
"     Humpton. 

14.  Second  Pennsylvania. 
Col.  Craige. 

44  Johnson. 
"  Magaw. 
44  R.  Butler. 

15.  Gen.  Clinton. 
Col.  Van  Schaick. 

"  Courtlandt. 
"  Livingston. 
"  Dubois. 

16.  Gen.  Parsons. 
Col.  Meiggs. 

"  Wyllys. 
"  Durkee. 
"  Chandler. 

17.  Gen.  Hunlington. 
Col.  Prentice. 

44     C.  Webb. 
'4     Bradley. 
"     Swift. 


No.  7. 


Williamsburg,  Sept.  6th,  1778. 
DEAR  SIR, — 

I  received  your  favour  last  night  by  Mr.  Brown.     I 
am  pleased  at   this   instance   of  your   confidence  and 


360  APPENDIX. 

friendship,  on  which  I  place  a  high  value.  The  matter 
you  represent  reaches  my  feelings  in  the  most  affecting 
manner.  You  have  served  us  on  the  most  distressing 
terms  hitherto,  and  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  any  country 
fully  to  compensate  for  the  painful  duty  to  which  you 
have  been  exposed.  But  I  trust  the  principles  of  com 
mon  justice  will  so  far  prevail  with  our  Assembly  as  to 
give  a  preference  to  our  officers  and  soldiers  in  the 
western  lands,  if  they  do  nothing  in  a  pecuniary  way. 
God  forbid  that  the  defenders  and  saviours  of  America 
should  want  any  of  the  good  things  she  possesses.  You 
may  rest  assured  I  shall  exert  myself  to  secure  you 
some  good  land.  I  will  represent  the  whole  case  to  the 
next  Assembly,  which  meets  in  four  weeks.  I  will  en 
force  it  as  far  as  decency  will  permit,  and  the  result  you 
shall  know  from  me.  I  shall  endeavour  to  show  the 
great  hardships  upon  the  gentlemen  of  the  army,  if  any 
land  is  granted  until  they  have  their  choice,  and  if  that 
avails  not,  I  will  secure  some  small  share  at  least  for 
you.  Perhaps  it  may  be  proper  to  hint  to  your  brother 
officers  the  substance  of  this.  I  mean  no  more  than 
that  their  desires  or  any  propositions  they  wish  to  make 
shall  be  zealously  supported  with  my  best  endeavours. 
But  I  leave  you  to  act  as  you  please  about  it. 

If  the  Assembly  will  open  a  land  office  (which  I  think 
they  ought  to  do,  and  sell  the  land  to  sink  our  paper 
money),  a  reservation  of  a  tract  of  country  about  the 
Falls  of  Ohio  might  be  made  to  answer  the  purpose  I 
wish  for  the  officers  and  soldiers.  However,  if  after  all 
nothing  can  be  done  for  you  as  an  officer,  I  will  secure 
some  for  yon  as  a  private  man,  if  the  office  opens.  In 


APPENDIX.  361 

this  I  shall  count  myself  happy  if  I  can  serve  one  for 
whose  character  both  in  private  and  public  I  have  the 
most  sincere  esteem. 

Let  me  take  the  liberty  just  to  hint,  that  I  think  a 
resignation  now  might  defeat  a  claim  which  otherwise  I 
trust  will  be  approved  by  every  one.  I  shall  be  much 
obliged  to  you  for  your  continued  correspondence,  which 
will  be  highly  acceptable  to  me.  Adieu,  my  dear  sir, 
may  God  preserve  you.  I  am  with  the  highest  regard, 
dear  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  HENRY. 

N.  B.  Excuse  inaccuracy,  as  I  am  much  hurried. 
To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg, 

At  Head-quarters. 

No.  8. 

Head-quarters,  Fredericksburg,  Nov.  2d,  1778. 
DEAR  SIR, — 

The  departure  of  General  Gates  makes  it  expedient  to 
send  forward  another  officer  to  his  command.  For  this 
purpose  I  have  ordered  General  Putnam  to  Hartford. 
The  General  will  communicate  to  you  such  of  his  in 
structions  as  respect  the  division,  or  any  other  informa 
tion  which  may  be  necessary  for  your  government. 
I  am,  dear  sir, 

Your  most  humble  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg, 

Highlands. 
31 


362  APPENDIX. 


No.  9. 

Elizabethtown,  Dec.  4th,  1778,  10  o'clock,  r.  M. 
DEAR  SIR, — 

I  request  that  you  will  halt  the  Virginia  troops  where- 
ever  this  finds  you,  if  the  ground  and  wood  will  admit  of 
it ;  if  it  will  not,  I  had  rather  you  would  countermarch 
them  to  the  first  convenient  situation.  You  will  collect 
the  troops  and  hold  them  in  compact  order,  taking  care 
to  have  them  well  supplied  with  provision  and  ammuni 
tion,  and  ready  to  move  on  the  earliest  order.  You  will 
continue  all  the  heavy  baggage  on  its  march,  and  only 
retain  what  will  be  barely  necessary  for  the  men,  and 
which  they  can  carry.  I  don't  mean  that  the  artillery 
or  ammunition  wagons  should  be  separated  from  the 
brigades. 

I  am,  dear  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  Brig1.  Gen.  Muhlenberg. 

P.  S.  I  have  just  received  authentic  intelligence  that 
the  enemy  have  several  ships  moving  up  the  North 
River  with  troops  and  flat-bottomed  boats. 

No.  10. 

Paramus,  Dec.  6th,  1778. 
DEAR  SIR, — 

You  will  be  pleased  upon  receipt  of  this  letter,  imme- 


APPENDIX.  363 

k, 

diately  to  put  the  troops  under  your  command  in  motion, 
with  their  field  artillery  and  ammunition,  for  Sufferns,  at 
the  mouth  of  Smith's  Clove,  and  there  wait  further  orders. 

You  will  divest  yourself  of  your  baggage,  which  is  to 
be  ordered  on  to  the  place  appointed  for  winter  quarters. 
You  may  bring  a  few  tents  in  some  of  the  strongest 
wagons,  to  serve  in  case  of  very  bad  weather  for  the 
security  of  the  arms,  but  you  are  not  to  encumber  your 
self  with  many,  but  to  travel  as  light  in  every  respect  as 
possible. 

I  imagine  you  will  find  the  route  by  the  great  falls  to 
be  the  best;  however,  you  will  make  the  necessary 
inquiry  of  those  who  know  the  country. 

I  am,  sir,  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhleriberg. 

P.  S.  March  only  such  men  as  are  fit  for  service ;  let 
the  invalids  proceed  with  the  baggage  :  you  will  also  de 
spatch  an  express  to  Middlebrook,  for  the  commissary- 
general  and  forage-master-general  to  come  on  to  Sufferns. 


No.  11. 

Head-quarters,  February  17th,  1779. 
SIR, — 

Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  the  Virginia  arrangement,  as 
transmitted  to  me  by  the  Board  of  War,  for  a  final  re- 
visal  before  the  commissions  are  issued.  I  therefore 
desire  you  to  assemble  the  field  officers  of  the  Virginia 


364  APPENDIX. 

line,  and  with  them  inspect  the  arrangement  carefully? 
that  if  there  should  be  any  mistakes  or  misdates,  they 
may  be  reported  to  me,  that  I  may  endeavour  to  have 
them  adjusted,  and  the  lists  returned  complete  to  the 
Board  of  War.  Be  pleased  to  mark  those  who  have 
resigned  with  the  dates  of  resignation.  There  are  a  few 
dates  not  yet  filled  up,  which  you  will  ascertain,  if  pos 
sible.  Be  pleased  to  acquaint  the  officers  of  your  whole 
line  that,  after  the  commissions  are  issued,  there  will  be 
no  future  appeal,  and  therefore  desire  them,  if  they  have 
any  objections  or  claims,  to  make  or  bring  them  in  now. 

Be  pleased  to  direct  returns  to  be  made  to  me  regi- 
mentally,  of  the  officers  absent  on  command  or  furlough, 
specifying  the  time  when  their  furloughs  will  expire,  and 
the  counties  in  which  they  may  most  probably  be  found. 

Governor  Henry  writes  me  that  a  number  of  officers 
will  be  wanted  to  collect  and  march  the  recruits  from 
Virginia,  and  therefore  some  of  those  now  absent  may 
be  ordered  to  remain  for  that  purpose. 

I  am,  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg. 


No.  12. 

Fort  Montgomery,  July  15th,  1779. 
SIR,— 

This  day  General  Wayne  marched  down  towards 
Stony  Point,  to  take  a  view  of  the  enemy,  and  if  an  op 
portunity  offered,  to  attempt  something  serious. 


APPENDIX.  365 

I  therefore  wish  you  to  put  your  brigade  in  motion 
about  midnight,  and  march  that  way,  in  order  to  act  as 
his  situation  may  make  it  necessary.  You  will  make 
your  movements  as  secret  as  possible,  and  march  per 
fectly  light,  taking  such  of  your  guards  as  may  be  in 
your  route  with  you.  One  day's  provision  will  be  neces 
sary  for  the  men  to  have  with  them ;  and  the  rest  that 
may  be  at  the  post,  you  will  have  in  readiness  to  follow, 
should  circumstances  require  it. 

You  shall  hear  from  me  when  to  return,  unless  the 
enterprise  should  prove  unsuccessful,  in  which  case  you 
will  return  to  your  present  post. 

I  am,  sir,  yours,  &c., 
G.  WASHINGTON. 

To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg. 

No.  13. 

Head-quarters,  August  28th,  1779. 
GENTLEMEN, — 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  26th,  with  the 
papers  accompanying  it.  I  assure  you  the  manner  in 
which  the  Virginia  division  have  taken  up  the  affair, 
gives  me  the  most  sensible  concern. 

I  had  no  idea  that  the  command  given  to  Major  Lee 
could  have  been  considered  by  them  as  a  violation  of  their 
rights ;  nor  can  I,  after  the  most  deliberate  reflection, 
find  any  reason  to  alter  the  opinion  I  first  entertained, 
which  was  that  Major  Lee,  on  principles  of  justice,  pru 
dence,  and  the  strictest  military  propriety,  was  entitled 
31* 


366  APPENDIX. 

to  the  command.  I  .have  discussed  the  point  fully  in  a 
letter  to  Major-General  Lord  Sterling,  which  I  have  re 
quested  him  to  communicate  to  the  gentlemen  interested. 

You  will  perceive  that,  while  these  are  my  sentiments, 
I  can  give  no  assurances  which  will  operate  against  the 
principle  of  employing  officers  in  Major  Lee's  circum 
stances  in  a  similar  manner.  So  far  as  a  senior  officer 
fell  under  his  command,  the  affair  was  unfortunate ;  but 
this  was  evidently  a  mistake  in  the  first  instance,  and 
if  the  gentlemen  have  any  apprehension  that  this  may 
be  drawn  into  precedent,  (which  I  can  hardly  suppose,) 
I  do  not  scruple  to  give  them  the  most  positive  assurances 
to  the  contrary,  for  I  deem  it  an  invariable  principle  that 
no  inferior  or  junior  officer  can  command  a  superior  or 
senior. 

I  flatter  myself,  gentlemen,  you  will  dispassionately 
weigh  the  reasonings  I  have  offered,  and,  convinced  that 
they  are  well  founded,  will  use  your  influence  to  appease 
the  discontents  which  have  arisen,  and  satisfy  the  officers 
in  general  that  no  injury  has  been  either  intended  or 
done  to  their  privileges. 

I  am,  with  the  greatest  esteem  and  regard,  gentlemen, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

To  Brig.  Gens.  Woodford 

and  Muhlenberg. 

No.  14. 

Fredericksburg,  July  4th,  1780. 
SIR, — 

I  was  yesterday  honoured  with  a  letter  from  his  Excel- 


APPENDIX.  367 

lency  the  Governor,  wherein  he  desires  me  to  transmit 
your  Excellency  a  return  of  the  officers  of  the  Virginia 
line  at  present  in  the  state.  I  now  do  myself  the  honour 
to  enclose  a  return  of  all  the  officers  I  could  get  intelli 
gence  of,  with  their  rank  and  date  of  commission. 

General  Gates  this  morning  left  town  for  Richmond, 
and  has  ordered  all  the  officers  to  meet  at  this  place  on 
the  15th  of  this  month. 

The  plan  I  did  myself  the  honour  to  mention  to  your 
Excellency  in  my  last,  proposed  by  a  committee  of  the 
Assembly,  to  fill  up  the  Continental  battalions,  is  not  yet 
finally  determined  on,  but  I  have  no  doubt  it  will  go 
through. 

A  British  fleet  is  at  present  in  our  bay,  but  we  have 
not  yet  been  able  to  ascertain  their  strength  or  des 
tination. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 
His  Excellency  Gen.  Washington, 
New  Jersey. 


No.  15. 

Hillsborough,  21st  July,  1780. 
SIR,— 

The  declining  state  of  the  regular  force  in  this  depart 
ment,  has  induced  me  to  hasten  the  march  of  the  scattered 
remains  of  your  line. 

I  hope  much  from  the  industry  of  the  officers  appointed 
to  collect  them,  and  can  foresee  but  few  obstacles  in  their 


368  APPENDIX. 

immediate  preparation  for  coming  forward.  In  the  article 
of  clothing,  hunting-shirts,  over-alls,  and  shoes,  will  be 
sufficient.  There's  little  else  wanted  in  this  climate,  and 
all  woollen  clothes  I  should  consider  as  incumbrances. 

To  Buford's,  Gibson's,  and  Brent's  regiments,  you  will 
attach  such  soldiers  as  may  belong  to  the  several  corps 
taken  in  Charleston,  and  placing  the  whole,  (which  I 
suppose  will  not  exceed  one  full  regiment,)  under  the 
eldest  officers  in  each  rank,  order  them  to  proceed  imme 
diately  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  Southern  department. 

I  am,  sir, 
Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

HORATIO  GATES. 
To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg. 


JNo.  16. 

Fredericksburg,  August  1st,  1780. 
SIR,— 

By  this  day's  post  I  was  honoured  with  your  Excel 
lency's  letter  of  the  18th  of  July,  and  likewise  with 
another  directed  to  Major-General  Gates,  enclosing  the 
arrangement  of  the  Virginia  line.  As  General  Gates 
has  left  this  state  and  joined  the  Southern  army,  I  took 
the  liberty  to  open  the  letter,  agreeably  to  the  directions 
on  the  outside,  and  after  taking  a  copy  of  the  arrange 
ment,  forwarded  it  on. 

The  House  of  Assembly,  after  long  debates,  at  last 
came  to  a  resolution  to  raise  3,000  men  for  eighteen 
months.  The  bill  was  not  printed  a  few  days  ago,  but 


APPENDIX.  369 

I  expect  it  this  evening  by  an  express  I  sent  for  that 
purpose.  The  officers,  by  order  of  General  Gates,  as 
sembled  at  this  place  on  the  14th  of  last  month,  in  order 
to  assist  in  collecting  the  new  levies;  but  after  consulting 
with  the  Governor  and  Council  at  Richmond,  he  wrote 
me  that  nothing  could  be  done  until  the  Governor  re 
ceived  an  answer  to  his  letter  from  your  Excellency. 
As  this  obstacle  is  now  removed,  I  hope  nothing  else  will 
retard  the  collection  of  the  new  levies.  *  *  * 

Inclosed  I  do  myself  the  honour  to  transmit  your  Ex 
cellency  an  exact  return  of  the  officers  now  in  the  state. 
By  the  last  accounts  we  have  from  the  southward,  the 
enemy  are  falling  back  to  Charlestown.  I  would  like 
wise  beg  leave  to  inform  your  Excellency,  that  a  great 
number  of  our  privates  taken  at  Charlestown  have  made 
their  escape  from  the  enemy  (not  less  I  am  informed 
than  two  hundred).  These  men,  though  most  of  them 
soldiers  for  the  war,  are  permitted  to  return  to  their 
homes,  and  look  upon  themselves  as  free  from  the  ser 
vice  ;  some  of  them  have  been  detained  at  this  post,  until 
I  shall  receive  your  Excellency's  orders  what  is  to  be 
done  with  them. 

The  prisoners  taken  by  the  enemy  in  the  action  with 
Col.  Buford,  have  nearly  all  returned  with  paroles,  signed 
by  Colonel  Tarleton. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect, 
Your  Excellency's  most  obedient 
Humble  servant, 

P.  MuHLENBERG. 

His  Excellency  General  Washington, 

New  Jersey. 


370  APPENDIX. 


No.  17. 

Head-quarters,  Orangetovvn,  15th  August,  1780. 
SIR,— 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  1st  instant,  enclos 
ing  a  more  exact  return  of  the  officers  remaining  in  Vir 
ginia  than  had  been  before  transmitted.  Such  of  them 
as  were  not  noticed  in  the  arrangement  transmitted  on 
the  8th  of  July  may  be  now  introduced,  upon  the  same 
principles  which  govern  in  making  that  arrangement. 

His  Excellency  Governor  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  of  the 
22d  of  July,  has  mentioned  the  circumstance  of  the  two 
state  regiments  which  have  complete  corps  of  officers,  but 
very  few  men ;  and  has  proposed  that,  as  they  are  also  to 
go  to  the  southward,  they  shall  have  a  proportion  of  the 
three  thousand  recruits.  To  this,  as  I  could  see  no  rea 
sonable  objection,  I  have  assented. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  so  great  a  number  of  our  pri 
soners  have  escaped  from  Charlestown,  but  it  will  be  no 
advantage  to  the  public,  more  than  saving  the  exchange 
of  so  many,  if  the  plea  of  their  being  freed  from  their 
former  engagements  is  allowed.  There  can  be  no  possi 
ble  foundation  for  any  such  claim,  and  I  beg  you  will 
take  the  most  effectual  measures  for  informing  them  that 
they  will,  if  apprehended,  be  treated  as  deserters,  if  they 
do  not  return  in  some  given  time. 

I  have  by  this  conveyance  forwarded  a  proclamation 
to  the  Governor,  offering  a  pardon  to  deserters  who  will 
come  in  by  a  limited  time,  and  taking  in  the  case  of  those 


APPENDIX.  371 

who  have  made  their  escape  from  the  enemy  and  gone 
home. 

I  am,  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  Brig.  General  Muhlenberg, 

In  Virginia. 


No.  18. 

Richmond,  August  19th,  1780. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Immediately  after  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  dated  July 
21st,  which  came  to  my  hands  the  3d  of  August,  I  re 
moved  to  this  place,  in  order  to  execute  your  orders  re 
lative  to  the  old  soldiers  assembled  at  Chesterfield  ;  but 
notwithstanding  our  utmost  exertions,  we  have  not  been 
able  to  procure  blankets  and  knapsacks  for  them.  There 
is  now  a  certain  prospect  of  their  being  supplied  imme 
diately,  and  I  expect  them  to  march  on  the  25th.  Colo 
nel  Bufort  will  command  about  three  hundred  old  sol 
diers,  besides  eighty  belonging  to  Gibson's  regiment, 
which  is  the  whole  of  that  regiment  at  present  fit  for 
duty. 

The  new  levies  begin  to  assemble,  but  the  prospect 
for  their  equipment  is  very  dull.  No  stores  have  arrived 
from  the  North,  nor  can  I  hear  of  any,  except  the  arms 
and  ammunition  I  had  the  honour  to  mention  in  my  last. 
I  have  prevailed  on  Colonel  Febiger  to  take  a  journey  to 


372  APPENDIX. 

Philadelphia,  to  hasten  on  the  supplies,  for  without  them 
the  collection  of  the  new  troops  would  be  useless. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  great  respect,  dear  General, 
Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

P.    MUHLENBERG. 

To  Major-General  Gates. 


No.  19. 

Petersburg,  August  27th,  1780. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Colonel  Bufort  marches  to-day  with  the  detachment 
from  this  place;  the  whole  will  amount  only  to  three 
hundred  men.  Another  detachment  will  march  in  six 
or  seven  days,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Webb. 
I  beg  leave  to  represent  to  you,  sir,  that  in  Colonel 
Bufort's  detachment  there  are  sixty  men  belonging  to 
Colonel  Gibson's  regiment,  one  of  the  state  regiments. 
They  are  officered  by  officers  of  the  same  regiment,  and 
Major  Lee  is  of  the  same.  These  officers  are  at  present 
in  a  peculiar  situation  with  regard  to  their  rank.  The 
regiments  have  been  offered  by  the  state  to  Congress, 
who  have  agreed  to  receive  them  in  the  Continental  esta 
blishment,  if  the  regiments  are  filled  up,  or  as  far  as  the 
men  are  proportioned  to  the  officers.  Now,  as  these 
gentlemen  are  ordered  on,  it  would  be  a  hardship  if  they 
should  not  be  permitted  to  rank  agreeably  to  their  com 
missions,  especially  as  they  have  now  been  three  years 
in  active  service.  I  have  promised  them  to  represent 


APPENDIX.  373 

the  matter  to  you ;   and  have  the  honour  to   he,  with 
great  respect,  dear  General, 

Your  obedient  humble  servant, 

P.   MUHLENBERG. 

To  Major-General  Gates. 


Hillsboro',  Sept.  2d,  1780. 
GENL.  MUHLENBERG, — 

Your  favours  of  the  19th  and  29th  ult.  I  received  yes 
terday.  I  entirely  approve  of  the  measure  you  have 
taken  in  sending  Colonel  Fcbiger  to  Philadelphia.  I 
hope  his  success  in  procuring  necessaries  for  the  new 
levies  will  supply  the  wants  of  them,  and  that  no  time 
will  be  lost  in  forwarding  them  to  Virginia.  The  two 
thousand  stand  of  arms  which  you  wish  to  retain,  I  de 
sire  may  be  retained,  to  arm  the  new  levies,  and  I  request 
the  remainder  may  be  forwarded  on  to  this  place  with  all 
possible  despatch,  and  also  all  other  necessary  stores 
which  may  be  ready  in  Virginia. 

I  shall  be  glad  to  be  informed  whether  a  quantity  of 
shoes  can  be  procured  in  Virginia ;  they  are  much 
wanted  for  the  Maryland  line,  all  the  men  of  which  are 
quite  barefoot,  and  sorely  cut  in  the  feet.  There  will  be 
of  these  between  six  and  seven  hundred  to  be  equipped, 
with  some  wanting  arms  and  accoutrements,  and  all  of 
them  wanting  clothes.  I  am  in  expectation  of  procuring 
some  clothing  in  this  state,  but  whether  I  shall  obtain  a 
sufficiency  or  not,  I  cannot  tell.  In  full  confidence  of 
32 


374  APPENDIX. 

your  best  exertions  in  the  business  you  have  on  hand,  I 
remain,  with  sentiments  of  perfect  esteem  and  regard, 
dear  General, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

HORATIO  GATES. 
To  B.  General  Muhlenberg. 

No.  21. 

Richmond,  September  29th,  1780. 
SlR> 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Richard  Campbell,  who  has  been 
two  campaigns  with  the  9th  regiment  at  Fort  Pitt,  re 
quests  me  to  make  application  to  your  Excellency  for 
permission  to  exchange  with  Lieutenant-Colonel  Richard 
Taylor,  who  is  at  present  arranged  to  the  llth  regiment, 
but  wishes  to  exchange  it  for  the  9th.  As  your  Excel 
lency  is  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  character  of  both 
the  gentlemen,  I  will  only  beg  leave  to  say  that  by  the 
exchange  the  different  genius  of  both  would  be  suited, 
and  the  service  benefited. 

The  new  levies  of  the  lower  counties  are  nearly  col 
lected,  and  are  forming  into  battalions,  but  we  are  as  yet 
totally  destitute  of  every  article  necessary  to  equip  them 
for  the  field.  The  levies  from  the  upper  counties  are, 
by  order  of  the  Governor  and  Council,  to  march  by  the 
nearest  road  to  Hillsborough.  There  are  about  three 
hundred  men  still  remaining,  who  were  formerly 
draughted  for  twelve  months,  but  never  called  into 
service.  As  these  have  not  been  arranged  by  your 
Excellency,  the  Governor  wishes  they  may  be  allotted 


APPENDIX.  375 

to  Colonel  Harrison's  regiment  of  artillery,  and  orders 
have  been  accordingly  sent  to  the  officers  appointed  to 
collect  them  to  march  them  to  Chesterfield  Court-house 
for  that  purpose. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect, 
Your  Excellency's  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

P.  MlJHLENBERG. 
His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


No.  22. 

Richmond,  Oct.  5,  1780. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

I  was  this  morning  honoured  with  your  favour  of  the 
10th,  by  express.  By  Major  Polk,  who  left  this  place 
four  days  ago,  I  did  myself  the  honour  to  represent  our 
present  situation  to  you,  relative  to  clothing  and  military 
stores.  Nothing  is  yet  arrived  from  the  northward, 
though  Colonel  Febiger  informs  me  that  he  has  procured 
shoes,  some  blankets  and  good  tents,  but  had  not  been 
able  at  that  time  to  get  clothing  and  arms. 

The  eighteen  months'  men  collected  at  Winchester, 
Staunton,  Pittsylvania,  and  Brunswick,  were  by  an  ex 
press  order  of  the  Governor  and  Council,  contrary  to  my 
advice,  ordered  to  march  to  Hillsborough  by  the  nearest 
route.  I  sent  on  yesterday,  for  their  use,  292  muskets 
and  bayonets,  559  cartridge  boxes,  4  boxes  of  flints,  and 
299  pairs  of  shoes.  They  are  intended  to  form  the  sixth 
regiment,  and  will  be  joined  by  their  field  officers  in  a 
few  days ;  and  whatever  necessaries  I  can  procure,  shall 


376 


APPENDIX, 


be  forwarded  on  immediately.  The  second  regiment  will 
march  from  Chesterfield  on  Tuesday  next,  badly  pro 
vided,  but  I  am  afraid  better  than  we  shall  be  able  to 
furnish  the  next. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  dear  General, 
Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  Major-General  Gates. 


No.  23. 

Richmond,  Get.  12th,  1780. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Two  days  ago,  I  was  honoured  with  your  favour  of 
the  24th  of  September,  in  answer  to  which  I  now  do 
myself  the  honour  to  inform  you  that  I  have  about  1000 
men  collected  at  Chesterfield  Court-house ;  but  notwith 
standing  our  exertions,  we  have  not  been  able  to  procure 
such  articles  as  are  essentially  necessary  for  the  troops 
on  their  march.  Blankets  are  totally  out  of  the  question, 
but  we  have  procured  materials  for  one  hundred  tents, 
and  all  the  workmen  we  could  collect  are  employed  in 
making  them.  I  have  ordered  the  second  regiment  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  on  Monday  next  ; 
and  the  seventh  will  be  ready  to  follow  in  a  few  days. 
I  should  have  sent  on  the  troops  before  this,  but  cannot 
think  they  will  be  able  to  render  any  real  service  in  their 
present  naked  condition.  If  they  are  to  go  on  without 
waiting  for  the  most  necessary  articles,  I  shall  be  happy 
to  receive  your  orders  for  that  purpose. 


APPENDIX.  377 

The  new  levies  from  Winchester,  Staunton,  Pittsyl- 
vania,  and  Brunswick,  who  are  to  compose  the  sixth 
regiment,  are  by  an  express  order  of  the  Governor  and 
Council,  to  march  by  the  nearest  route  to  Hillsborough. 
I  am  now  pressing  wagons,  to  send  on  arms  and  shoes 
for  them,  before  the  regiment  arrives  at  Hillsborough. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
With  great  respect,  dear  General, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

P.  MuHLErs'BERG. 

To  General  (Jates. 


Xo.  24. 

Head-quarters,  near  Passaic  Falls, 
17th  October,  1780. 

SlK, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the  29th  ultimo.  The 
proposed  exchange  of  stations  between  Colonels  Campbell 
and  Taylor,  will  be  perfectly  agreeable  to  me. 

While  I  hear  with  pleasure  of  the  forwardness  of  the 
collection  of  the  levies,  I  cannot  but  regret  the  small 
prospect  we  have  of  procuring  an  adequate  supply  of 
arms,  clothing,  and  other  necessaries.  We  have  been 
hitherto  disappointed  in  the  arrival  of  those  articles  ex 
pected  from  France ;  and  even  should  they  arrive  after 
this,  it  will  be  very  long  before  they  can  be  got  to  you, 
from  the  difficulties  which  we  experience  in  transporla- 
32* 


378  APPENDIX. 

tion,  and  more  especially  should  they  come  to  the  east 
ward,  which  is  the  most  probable. 

His  Excellency  the  Governor  informed  me  that  three 
hundred  of  the  old  drafts  had  been  ordered  to  join  Har 
rison's  regiment  of  artillery,  which  was  a  very  proper 
measure. 

I  am,  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  Brig-.  Gen,  Muhlenberg, 
in  Virginia. 


No.  25. 

Baker's  House,  Nov.  19th,  1780. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Last  evening  I  had  the  pleasure  to  hear  of  your  safe 
arrival  in  Virginia,  and  flatter  myself  that,  if  the  enemy 
continue  much  longer  with  us,  you  will  honour  the  troops 
in  this  quarter  with  a  visit.  From  present  appearances, 
i  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  enemy  are  preparing  to 
seek  their  fortune  elsewhere.  Several  signal  guns  were 
fired  last  evening,  from  which  I  conjecture  they  have 
made  a  move ;  but  as  the  morning  is  hazy,  I  have  not 
been  able  to  ascertain  the  matter. 

I  am  totally  at  a  loss  to  account  for  their  leaving 
Portsmouth  with  so  much  precipitation.  They  have  not 
only  left  the  greater  part  of  the  negroes  they  had  taken, 
but  also  several  valuable  new  vessels.  Should  they  go 
out  of  the  bay,  I  shall  do  myself  the  honour  to  give  you 


APPENDIX.  379 

immediate  notice.     I  understand  Baron  Steuben  is  with 
you ;  will  you  please  present  my  compliments  to  him  ? 
I  am,  dear  General,  with  great  respect, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  Major-General  Greene. 

P.  S.  Colonel  —  — ,  who  will  have  the  honour  to 
present  you  this,  will  give  you  a  circumstantial  account 
of  my  situation. 

No.  26. 

Surry  Court-house,  Nov.  26th,  1780. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

I  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  favour  of  the  23d 
yesterday,  on  our  march  from  Nelson's  to  this  place. 
The  troops  will  march  again  this  morning  for  Cabin 
Point,  where  I  shall  wait  your  further  orders.  The 
enemy  have  entirely  left  our  bay,  and  are  gone  to  sea ; 
report  says  they  are  gone  to  New  York,  but  I  think  it 
more  probable  they  are  gone  to  Cape  Fear. 

You  were  pleased  to  mention  that,  "  if  the  enemy 
should  retire,  the  troops  must  remain  below."  I  am  at 
a  loss  to  know  whether  you  intended  the  militia  should 
remain  likewise.  If  the  last  was  intended,  I  really  can 
see  no  method  to  supply  them  with  provisions ;  for  since 
the  invasion,  we  have  been  obliged  to  collect  what  pro 
visions  were  necessary,  and  live  from  hand  to  mouth. 
All  the  beeves  within  twenty  miles  of  Cabin  Point  will 
not  feed  3,000  men  for  three  days. 


380 


APPENDIX. 


If  the  regulars  with  me  are  to  march  to  the  southward 
immediately,  I  would  beg  leave  to  mention  that  they 
have  been,  and  still  are  without  tents,  and  are  justly  en 
titled  to  an  equal  proportion  with  Colonel  Lawson's  corps. 
Besides,  there  are  500  men  sent  on  to  Hillsborough,  who 
have  not  a  single  tent,  and  arc  obliged  to  do  daily  duty. 
I  have  requested  General  Weedon  to  wait  on  you  imme 
diately  at  Richmond,  and  shall  do  myself  the  pleasure  to 
attend  you,  the  moment  I  can  get  three  days'  provisions 
beforehand.  The  returns  shall  be  made  out  as  soon  as 
we  halt  to-day.  Major  Jones,  who  waits  on  you  with 
this  letter,  can  state  our  present  situation. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
With  great  respect,  dear  General, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MFHLENBEKG. 

To  Major-General  the  Baron  dc  Stcuben. 


No.  27. 

Williamsburg,  2d  Jan.,  1781. 
GENERAL  MUHLENBERG, — 

As  the  enemy  may  yet  attempt  something  against 
Fredericksburg,  especially  when  they  have  drawn  all 
our  force  this  way,  I  would  have  all  the  militia  of  the 
counties  adjacent  to  that  place  left  at  home,  that  in  case 
anything  of  that  kind  should  happen,  they  may  be  at 
hand  to  make  the  necessary  opposition. 

I  have  also  directed  General  Weedon  to  remain  there 


APPENDIX.  381 

for  the  same  purpose.     With  the  rest  of  the  militia,  you 
will  proceed  on  to  this  place  as  speedily  as  possible. 
I  am,  dear  General,  &c., 

STEUBEN. 
To  General  Muhlenberg. 


No.  28. 

Cabin  Point,  January  31st,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Last  evening  I  received  an  express  from  General 
Lawson,  with  a  return  of  the  troops  under  his  com- 
rnand,  by  which  it  appears  that  the  number  of  his  effec 
tives  is  654 — the  total  830 ;  but  I  am  apt  to  think  the 
troops  at  Suffolk  are  not  included,  as  nothing  is  men 
tioned  of  Major  Willis,  who  commands  the  light  infantry. 
The  riflemen  will  get  to  General  Lawson's  camp  to-day. 
The  enemy  keep  no  advanced  post  from  Portsmouth, 
except  a  picket  at  Veule's,  which  is  in  sight  of  the  town. 
It  is  reported  that  the  enemy  last  week  made  an  attempt 
on  the  northwest  bridge,  occupied  by  General  Gregory, 
and  were  repulsed.  I  have  not  received  a  return  of 
Colonel  Parker's  strength  ;  General  Lawson  rates  them 
at  500. 

General  Lawson  complains  heavily  of  the  wretched 
situation  of  the  sick  in  his  camp,  who  are  without  medi 
cine,  physicians,  and  necessaries.  We  are  here  in  the 
same  situation,  and  no  other  alternative  is  left  us  than  to 
disperse  the  sick  in  the  neighbouring  houses.  General 
Lawson  would  have  erected  huts  to  shelter  his  men,  but 


382  APPENDIX. 

finds  it  impossible,  for  want  of  axes.  I  have  written 
pressingly  to  Petersburg  for  a  supply,  but  am  afraid  it 
will  prove  but  a  scanty  one. 

Captain  Pendleton  has  been  supplied  with  wagons, 
agreeably  to  your  directions.  We  have  likewise  two 
smith-shops,  where  some  of  our  men  arc  at  work  in  re 
pairing  and  cleaning  the  arms,  in  order  to  render  them 
fit  for  service.  Four  of  Colonel  Armand's  cavalry  were 
this  morning  ordered  to  Sandy  Point  and  Hudson's  Or 
dinary,  agreeably  to  your  orders. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  great  respect,  dear  General, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.    MUHLENBERG. 

To  Major-Gcncral  the  Baron  dc  Steuben. 


No.  29. 

McKie's  Mill,  February  9th,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

I  arrived  in  camp  to-day,  at  eleven  o'clock ;  at  twelve 
the  feu-de-joie  was  fired  agreeably  to  your  orders.  This 
evening  several  expresses  came  in  from  the  outposts ; 
every  account  agrees  that  fifteen  of  the  enemy's  vessels 
went  out  of  Elizabeth  River  yesterday,  and  none  this 
morning ;  but  what  course  they  have  steered  we  cannot 
tell.  An  express  from  Mr.  Constable  informs  me  that 
the  enemy  have  sent  four  hundred  men  from  Portsmouth, 
who  have  taken  post  in  the  edge  of  the  Dismal,  on 
the  road  leading  from  Suffolk  to  Portsmouth.  I  cannot 


APPENDIX.  383 

conceive  what  their  intentions  arc,  unless  the  march  of 
the  troops  from  Cabin  Point  to  this  place  has  alarmed 
them,  and  caused  them  to  think  we  meditated  an  attack 
on  Portsmouth.  Accounts  likewise  came  in  that  the 
enemy  have  destroyed  all  the  works  at  the  Great 
Bridge,  and  abandoned  that  post.  As  they  have  called 
in  all  their  outposts,  I  am  apt  to  believe  Arnold  is  plan 
ning  some  scheme  to  act  on  the  offensive.  I  shall  to 
morrow  view  the  ground  at  Scott's,  and  make  every 
preparation  to  receive  Arnold,  should  he  incline  to 
attack  us.  Should  they  make  any  serious  movement,  I 
shall  immediately  transmit  you  an  account. 
1  am,  dear  General, 
With  great  respect, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.    MuiILENBEKG. 

To  Major-General  Baron  Steuben. 


No.  30. 

Chesterfield  C.  II.,  18th  February,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

The  arrival  of  the  French  vessels  below  has  occa 
sioned  some  little  alteration  in  our  plans.  General 
Nelson  being  gone  on  board,  will  oblige  you  to  remain 
some  time  longer  at  your  present  station. 

The  field  officers  of  the  line  of  Virginia  arc  making 
out  the  arrangement.  When  it  is  completed  it  shall  be 
submitted  to  the  inspection  of  the  officers  ;  if  all  are  satis 
fied,  it  can  be  finally  decided  on  ;  if  any  objections  arise, 


384  APPENDIX. 

I  intend  yourself,  General  Wecdon,  with  one  or  two  of 
the  eldest  colonels,  shall  examine  and  decide  on  them. 

I  enclose  you  the  Governor's  answer  to  the  proposi 
tion  for  exchanging  Colonel  Elligood. 

The  enclosed  letter  to  Colonel  Simcoe  you  will  send 
in  with  the  prisoners  who  go  down  to-day.  You  will 
have  the  affair  of  Curlcy  inquired  into ;  if  it  is  deter 
mined  he  is  a  deserter  from  us,  he  must  certainly  be 
kept — if  not,  send  him  in. 

Our  late  intelligence  from  the  southward  is  unfavoura 
ble.  The  last  accounts  are  that  Lord  Cornwallis  was  on 
the  Roanoke  on  the  14th  inst.  This  is  only  report.  Ge 
neral  Greene's  last  letter,  of  the  10th,  was  from  Guilford 
Court-house ;  Cornwallis  had  then  crossed  the  Shallow 
Ford.  The  militia  of  the  frontier  are  ordered  out. 

T  have  sent  General  Weedon  to  Fredericksburg  to 
form  two  regiments  of  militia,  for  the  protection  of  a 
battery  I  have  ordered  on  York  River,  to  cover  the 
French  vessels  in  case  of  need. 

I  am,  dear  General, 

Your  very  obedient  servant, 

STEUBEN. 

General  Muhlenberg. 

No.  31. 

Two  miles  below  Hall's,  Norfolk  County, 

Sunday,  February  18th,  1781. 
DEAK  GENERAL, — 

On  the  13th,  I  was  informed  of  the  arrival  of  the 
French  fleet  in  Hampton  Roads,  by  express  from  Colonel 
Dabnev.  As  I  knew  the  British  army  in  Portsmouth 


APPENDIX.  385 

was  already  in  want  of  forage  as  well  as  provisions,  it 
was  the  opinion  of  the  officers  with  me,  as  well  as  my 
own,  that  we  ought  to  increase  their  wants,  by  drawing 
our  own  forage  from  places  in  the  vicinity  of  their  camp. 
To  accomplish  this,  I  left  as  many  troops  as  I  thought 
necessary  for  the  security  of  my  camp,  and  marched 
with  Colonel  Bowyer's  and  Colonel  Ralb's  battalions  of 
riflemen,  and  Colonel  Meriwether's  battalion  of  infantry, 
and  joined  Colonel  Matthews'  riflemen  with  Colonel  Par 
ker's  infantry.  We  marched  in  the  evening,  and  en- 
en  mped  on  the  ground  we  at  present  occupy.  At  one 
o'clock  this  morning  Colonel  Matthews  was  ordered  to 
march  towards  Portsmouth,  with  his  regiment,  Colonel 
Dick's  corps  of  light  infantry,  and  Colonel  Armand's 
and  Major  Nelson's  cavalry.  Colonel  Matthews  formed 
an  ambuscade  near  the  town,  and  sent  the  cavalry  to 
surprise  the  picket,  which  was  within  sight  of  the  works. 
The  picket,  consisting  of  a  sergeant,  corporal,  and  twelve 
men,  were  taken,  without  firing  a  shot,  and  are  now  on 
their  way  to  Richmond.  A  wagon  and  eight  horses 
were  likewise  brought  off.  We  have  waited  for  Mr. 
Arnold,  within  one  mile  and  a  half  of  the  town,  for  three 
hours,  but  as  he  shows  no  inclination  to  turn  out.  we 
shall  this  evening  return  to  Colonel  Matthews'  camp. 
Major  Mitchell  will  send  in  the  returns  immediately. 
As  this  is  the  only  piece  of  paper  I  have,  I  hope  the 
blots  will  be  excused. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  the  greatest  respect,  dear  General, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MuiILENBERG. 

Major-Gencrui  Baron  Steuben. 
38 


386 


APPENDIX. 


No.  32. 

Camp,  N.  \V.  R.  Bridge,  Feb.  23d,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

This  morning  your  favour  of  the  20th  inst.  was  deli 
vered.  Some  days  ago  I  had  been  informed  of  your 
taking  off  a  picket,  and  braving  the  enemy  in  their 
trenches  at  Portsmouth.  On  that  day,  we  are  told,  the 
enemy  had  hardly  three  hundred  men  in  town.  Colonel 
Simcoe  was  out  in  force,  in  quest  of  Captain  Weeks,  in 
Princess  Anne  County.  Yesterday  the  Captain,  with  a 
few  of  his  men,  came  into  our  camp. 

I  am  now  provided  with  a  sufficient  quantity  of  round 
and  double-headed  grape-shot  for  our  guns,  which,  how 
ever,  arc  not  so  heavy  as  I  could  wish  for  battering. 
The  troops  are  in  good  health  and  spirits,  and  show  the 
most  ardent  desire  of  coming  within  close  quarters  of  the 
enemy.  At  whatever  hour  you  may  desire,  I  can  invest 
the  enemy's  fort  at  Great  Bridge.  I  presume  the  enemy 
wish  for  delay,  in  hopes  that  some  incident  may  turn  up 
in  their  favour. 

It  has  been  alleged  that  provisions  arc  brought  from 
Virginia  into  North  Carolina.  I  have  employed  proper 
persons  to  attend  to  that  matter,  and  shall  put  an  effec 
tual  stop  to  any  such  commerce.  I  wish  you  had  some 
bountiful  supply  of  provisions,  but  we  do  not  complain  of 
any  want,  though  seldom  have  much  laid  up. 


APPENDIX.  «'$87 

However,  we  have  a  plentiful  country  in  our  rear,  from 
which  we  can  draw  a  sufficient  supply  on  this  service. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

ISAAC  GREGORY,  B.  G. 
The  Honourable  Brigadier-General  Muhlenberg. 

No.  33. 

Head-quarters,  Portsmouth,  February  23d,  1781. 
SIR, — 

Having  been  out  of  town  for  two  days  past,  yours  of 
the  20th  was  not  delivered  me  until  last  night.  Corporal 
Veitch  and  the  two  men  of  Colonel  Simcoe's  regiment 
were  received  in  my  absence.  It  is  impossible  for  me 
to  exchange  those  men  for  the  three  gentlemen  you 
mention,  having  in  my  letter  of  the  12th  inst.  to  Brigadier- 
General  Lawson  proposed  to  exchange  Colonel  Warnick, 
taken  at  Waltharn,  and  two  of  the  gentlemen  you  mention, 
for  Lieutenant-Colonel  Elligood,  and  the  two  soldiers  of 
Colonel  Simcoe's  regiment,  which  letter,  you  inform  me 
in  yours  of  the  13th,  had  been  sent  to  Baron  Steuben 
for  his  answer ;  until  that  is  received,  I  do  not  think 
myself  at  liberty  to  exchange  them.  If  my  proposal  is 
not  agreeable  to  him,  the  three  prisoners  sent  in  shall 
be  returned  to  you,  unless  you  choose  to  exchange  them 
for  some  others  included  in  the  list  of  prisoners  which  I 
now  enclose.  In  return,  I  have  to  request  that  a  list  of 
your  prisoners  may  be  sent  to  me. 

To  prevent  unnecessary  applications  for  negroes  in 


388  APPENDIX. 

future,  I  beg  leave  to  observe  that  none  will  be  returned 
to  persons  in  arms  or  office,  in  which  class  I  consider 
all  persons  in  the  militia  liable  to  be  called  forth  to 
arms.  When  widows,  orphans,  or  persons  not  under 
the  above  description,  wish  to  have  their  negroes  re 
turned,  it  will  be  necessary  for  them  to  have  their 
property  ascertained,  (as  mentioned  above,)  under  oath, 
which  authenticated  certificate  being  sent  in  by  any 
person  with  a  flag  who  can  fix  upon  the  negroes 
claimed,  they  shall  be  immediately  delivered  up. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 
Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

B.  ARNOLD,  Brig.  Gen. 
Brig.  Gen.  Muhlcnberg. 


No.  34. 

Camp  near  Suffolk,  February  24th,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

I  should  have  done  myself  the  honour  to  write  you  a 
line  long  before  this  time,  but  I  have  been  unable  to 
procure  a  safe  conveyance.  As,  however,  I  understand 
you  are  at  this  time  on  the  borders  of  Virginia,  I  think 
it  my  duty  to  give  you  a  little  sketch  of  our  proceedings 
in  this  quarter.  On  the  13th,  I  received  intelligence  of 
the  arrival  of  a  French  fleet  in  our  bay,  consisting  of 
one  sixty-four  and  two  frigates  of  thirty-six  each.  As 
it  was  conjectured  their  stay  would  be  short,  it  was 
thought  necessary  to  press  the  enemy  as  much  as  pos 
sible,  and  to  prevent  their  foraging  in  the  lower  counties. 


APPENDIX.  389 

To  prevent  this,  I  marched  on  the  17th  with  six  hundred 
riflemen  and  five  hundred  musketry,  with  which  we 
formed  an  ambuscade  about  one  mile  and  a  half  from 
Portsmouth,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  18th,  a  party  of 
horse  was  ordered  to  charge  the  picket,  which  was 
posted  within  shot  of  their  redoubts.  The  horse  charged 
and  took  the  picket,  consisting  of  a  sergeant,  corporal, 
and  twelve  men,  without  having  a  shot,  fired  at  them ; 
two  yagers  were  killed,  three  pioneers,  one  wagon,  and 
six  horses  taken.  We  remained  in  ambush  for  three 
hours,  but  finding  Arnold  did  not  choose  to  venture 
out,  and  not  caring  to  risk  an  action  in  the  night  with 
my  riflemen,  I  moved  back  to  a  place  of  security, 
where  I  remained  until  the  20th,  when,  having  received 
intelligence  that  you  were  hard  pushed  by  Cornwallis, 
I  took  possession  of  a  strong  camp  in  the  rear  of  Suffolk, 
where  I  intended  to  leave  nine  hundred  militia  men,  and 
selected  six  hundred  riflemen  and  four  hundred  musketry 
to  march  to  your  assistance  if  necessary.  Should  it  be 
found  unnecessary,  I  shall  move  down  upon  the  lines 
again  immediately. 

Enclosed  I  do  myself  the  honour  to  transmit  you  a 
pretty  exact  account  of  the  enemy's  force  in  this  state. 
I  must  acknowledge  it  is  derogatory  to  the  honour  of 
the  state,  to  suffer  such  a  handful  of  men  to  retain 
possession  so  long ;  but  what,  my  dear  General,  is  to 
be  done  ?  They  are  strongly  fortified  ;  T  have  near 
two  thousand  men,  but  among  the  whole  about  three 
hundred  bayonets  and  two  brass  six-pounders.  With 
such  a  military  apparatus,  we  cannot  think  of  attacking 
the  works  by  regular  approaches,  and  all  my  hopes  at 
33* 


390  APPENDIX. 

present  are,  that  I  shall  be  able  to  coop  up  Arnold  so 
close   that   he  will   be  obliged  to  make  an  attempt  to 
dislodge  us.     General  Gregory,  of  the  North  Carolina 
militia,  is  now  moving  down  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Dismal  Swamp,  with  about  seven  hundred  men,  in  order 
to  cut  off  Arnold's  communication  with  Princess  Anne 
County.     Should  anything  meantime  occur,  I  shall  do 
myself  the  honour  to  give  you  immediate  notice. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect, 
Dear  General,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  Maj.  Gen.  Greene. 


No.  35. 

Camp  near  Scott's,  Feb.  26,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

I  am  happy  to  hear  from  Mr.  Ludeman  that  our  pro 
ceedings  in  this  quarter  hitherto,  meet  with  your  appro 
bation.  From  General  Greene's  letter,  the  plan  you 
were  pleased  to  send  me,  and  the  explanations  given  me 
by  Mr.  Ludeman,  I  understand  the  plan  of  your  opera 
tions  fully.  I  am  convinced  it  will  be  in  vain  for  Mr. 
Arnold  to"  attempt  a  junction  with  Lord  Cornwallis  by 
land  with  his  present  force,  as  he  will  be  obliged  to  dis 
lodge  General  Gregory  and  myself  before  he  can  accom 
plish  it.  The  only  way  practicable,  and  which  I  believe 
he  has  in  view,  would  be  to  cross  Currituck  Sound  and 
land  in  North  Carolina  ;  what  induces  rne  to  think  they 
have  some  scheme  of  this  kind  in  view  is,  that  they  are 


APPENDIX.  391 

busily  employed  in  building  flat-bottomed  boats.  We 
have  taken  three  of  their  builders  and  destroyed  some  of 
their  timber,  but  still  they  will  have  it  in  their  power  to 
procure  a  sufficiency  of  boats,  cither  to  cross  the  Sound, 
or  for  a  plundering  expedition,  although  I  should  hardly 
think  they  will  venture  the  latter  while  we  are  close 
upon  them. 

Enclosed,  I  do  myself  the  honour  to  transmit  you  two 
letters  from  General  Gregory,  and  one  from  Arnold.  I 
have  sent  him  the  Governor's  answer  relative  to  the 
exchange  proposed  between  Colonels  Elligood  and  War- 
nick,  which  I  suppose  will  end  the  negotiations  for 
exchanging.  I  shall  to-day  or  to-morrow  move  with  the 
main  body  to  a  camp  in  the  vicinity  of  Suffolk,  in  order 
to  cut  off  effectually  the  communication  by  land  between 
Portsmouth  and  North  Carolina. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  great  respect, 

Dear  General, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  Major-General  the 

Baron  de  Steuben. 


No.  36. 

Chesterfield  C.  H.,  28th  Feb. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

In  consequence  of  letters  just  received  from  General 
Washington,  the  contents  of  which  Colonel  Meade  will 
inform  you,  1  am  induced  to  order  the  battalions  of  Co- 


392 


APPENDIX. 


lonel  Bowyer,  Majors  Meriwethcr  and  Lucas,  to  be  put 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Meade,  who  has  received 
orders  to  join  General  Gregory.  If  either  officers  or 
privates  should  turn  out  volunteers,  it  would  be  preferred. 
Your  despatch  as  to  these  troops  and  secrecy  with  respect 
to  the  intelligence,  I  can  rely  on.  Colonel  Meade's  abili 
ties,  and  his  being  perfectly  acquainted  with  my  designs, 
have  induced  me  to  ask  his  acceptance  of  the  above  com 
mand. 

I  am  persuaded  the  officers  of  the  battalions  will  en 
deavour  to  make  it  agreeable  to  him,  as  I  am  sure 
nothing  but  his  wishes  for  the  good  of  the  service  would 
have  prevailed  on  him  to  take  so  great  a  charge. 

STEUBEN. 

To  General  Muhlenberg. 


No.  37. 

Edmond's  Hill,  two  miles  below  the  Great  Bridge, 

March  2d,  1781,  8  o'clock,  r.  M. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

I  got  to  this  place,  after  passing  the  enemy's  works 
about  6  o'clock,  p.  M.,  yesterday,  and  immediately  sent 
the  letters  you  entrusted  to  me,  to  General  Gregory,  with 
a  message  informing  him  where  I  was.  In  passing  their 
redoubt  I  found  it  very  strong,  being  stockaded  at  least 
nine  feet  high  and  filled  in,  making  it  more  than  as 
many  feet  through ;  of  course  a  very  deep  ditch,  and  it 
is  very  well  surrounded  with  abatis  capable  of  holding 
200  men  :  in  it  are  four  twelve-pound  carronades,  besides 
smaller  cannon.  Whilst  I  was  examining  their  works 


APPENDIX.  393 

they  fired  several  cannon  and  many  small  arms,  which 
did  no  damage  except  slightly  wounding  one  man. 

About  2  o'clock  to-day  General  Gregory  joined  me, 
whilst  I  was  investing  and  examining  their  works.  He 
agreed  with  me  that  a  storm  was  too  dangerous,  and 
would  be  attended  with  no  view  of  success.  I  discovered 
a  gun-boat  going  down  from  the  Fort,  and  detached  Cap 
tain  Otey  with  thirty  riflemen  to  stop  her,  which  business 
he  effectually  and  punctually  executed,  by  taking  and 
sinking  the  gun-boat,  after  killing  one  sailor,  and  cap 
turing  the  remaining  five,  a  corporal,  a  private  of  the 
30th  regiment,  and  a  private  of  the  Rangers.  He  also  took 
two  twelve-pound  carronades,  several  muskets,  a  good 
deal  of  officers'  baggage,  and  all  the  papers  of  Captain 
Stevenson  of  the  Rangers,  who  commanded  at  the  Fort, 
and  was  relieved  to-day. 

Among  his  papers  were  none  of  consequence,  except 
two  very  extraordinary  ones,  copies  of  which  I  enclose 
you.  Their  contents  embarrassed  me  amazingly,  the 
more  so  as  General  Gregory  had  furnished  the  guards 
for  the  night.  He  was  present  when  I  examined  the 
papers,  and  declares  himself  innocent  of  any  correspon 
dence.  I  hope  he  says  true,  but  fearing  accidents,  have 
sent  out  guards  of  my  own.  I  am  much  at  a  loss  how 
to  act  if  General  Gregory  is  true.  T  cannot  trust  him 
by  letting  him  know  of  my  movements  if  not  true.  I 
cannot  be  sufficiently  on  my  guard,  being  surrounded  by 
enemies.  His  men  are  not  equipped,  and  on  examination 
I  find  many  of  his  men  on  guard  without  a  cartridge 
box,  and  some  without  a  single  cartridge. 

I   am   extremely  pleased  with  the  behaviour  of  my 


31)4  APPENDIX. 

detachment,  and  am  convinced  if  we  come  to  action  they 
will  answer  my  expectations.  Among  Captain  Steven 
son's  papers  was  a  journal  of  their  proceeding  to  Rich 
mond  and  down.  We  shall  lose  all  Princess  Anne  with 
out  some  troops  there;  and  Captain  Weeks  informs  me 
that  if  I  was  there  I  would  be  joined  by  300  men,  and 
that  the  county  could  supply  me.  I  should  have  risked 
this  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  extraordinary  paper  annex 
ed  ;  but  if  you  could  lay  close  on  their  lines,  and  reinforce 
me  with  200  men,  we  could  directly  cut  off  all  their  sup 
plies,  as  they  are  getting  provisions  in  abundance  from 
Princess  Anne. 

I  am,  dear  General,  with  respect, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

J.  PARKER,  Col.  Com. 
The  Hon.  Gen.  Mahlenberg. 


(Copy,  taken  among  Captain  Stevenson's  papers.) 

«  G.  G.,— 

"  Your  well-formed  plan  of  delivering  those  people 
now  under  your  command  into  the  hands  of  the  British 
General  at  Portsmouth  gives  me  much  pleasure.  Your 
next  I  hope  will  mention  the  place  of  ambuscade,  and 
the  manner  you  wish  to  fall  into  my  hands,  &c,  &c., 
and  I  am, 

"  Dear  Gregory, 

"  Yours  with  esteem. 

"  1st  March,  1781." 


APPENDIX.  395 


(Copy  of  second  letter.) 

"  GENERAL  GREGORY, — 

"  A  Mr.  Ventress  was  last  night  made  prisoner  by 
three  or  four  of  your  people.  I  only  wish  to  inform  you 
that  Ventress  could  not  help  doing  what  he  did  in  his 
helping  to  destroy  the  logs.  I  myself  delivered  the 
orders  to  him  from  Colonel  Simcoe.  I  have  the  honour 
of  your  acqua — "  and  so  breaks  off. 


No.  38. 

Camp  near  Suffolk,  March  4th,  1781. 

Sunday  morning,  10  o'clock,  A.M. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Last  evening  I  returned  from  the  enemy's  lines  at 
Portsmouth  without  being  able  to  effect  anything  mate 
rial.  On  the  28th,  I  marched  from  this  place  with  1200 
men  ;  when  we  got  to  the  forks  of  the  road  below  Hall's 
(about  twelve  miles  from  the  Great  Bridge),  I  detached 
Colonel  Parker  with  300  chosen  men  to  make  an  attempt 
on  the  enemy's  post  at  that  place,  as  I  had  certain  intel 
ligence  that  the  garrison  consisted  only  of  120  men  ;  and 
with  the  main  body  I  marched  towards  Portsmouth, 
drove  in  the  pickets,  and  kept  them  alarmed,  to  prevent 
their  sending  any  reinforcement  to  the  Bridge.  I  left 
the  lines  at  Portsmouth  yesterday  morning  at  9  o'clock, 
and  on  my  return  met  Colonel  Meade  at  Flail's.  I  re 
turned  immediately  to  Suffolk,  from  whence  I  despatched 


396  APPENDIX. 

an  express  to  General  Gregory  with  your  letter,  and  in 
telligence  that  Colonel  Meade  would  march  from  this 
place  to-morrow  morning  to  join  him.  Last  evening  I 
received  the  enclosed  letter  from  Colonel  Parker,  who,  I 
understand,  is  just  arrived  at  the  advanced  post.  From 
this  letter  you  will  see  how  far  he  has  been  able  to  exe 
cute  my  orders  :  but  I  really  do  not  know  what  to  think 
of  General  Gregory;  appearances  are  much  against  him, 
and  I  shall  give  Colonel  Meade  directions  to  keep  on  his 
guard  and  watch  Gregory's  motions.  To-morrow  I 
shall  send  on  the  returns  you  have  ordered. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect, 
Dear  General,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  Maj.  Gen.  Baron  Stcuben. 


No.  39. 

Camp,  near  Suffolk,  March  4th,  1781. 

3  o'clock,  P.  M. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

I  wrote  to  you  this  forenoon,  by  express,  and  enclosed 
you  Colonel  Parker's  letter.  Colonel  Parker  has  since 
returned  to  camp,  and  from  his  report,  as  well  as  from 
other  circumstances,  I  am  fully  convinced  that  some  trea 
sonable  practices  have  been  carried  on  by  General  Gre 
gory.  I  am  sorry  these  circumstances  compel  me  to  make 
some  little  alteration  in  your  plan ;  but  am  convinced, 
were  you  present,  you  would  approve  the  alteration. 

Since  the  discovery  of  the  letters  sent  you  this  morn 
ing,  the  officers  and  men  with  General  Gregory  are  so 


APPENDIX.  397 

much  dissatisfied,  that  I  was  afraid  the  whole  would  dis 
perse,  unless  Gregory  was  removed.  General  Gregory 
pressed  Colonel  Parker  to  assume  the  command,  and  the 
whole  of  the  officers  joined  in  the  request ;  but  as  I  had 
given  him  positive  orders  to  return  by  a  given  time,  he 
could  not  stay  with  propriety.  I  further  thought  that  it 
would  be  unadvisable  to  intrust  Gregory  with  the  sig 
nals  ;  and  Colonel  Meade  therefore  requested  me  to  per 
mit  Colonel  Parker  to  go  with  him,  alleging  that  your 
intentions  would  be  fully  answered,  as  you  did  not  mean 
that  he  should  take  the  chief  command,  but  to  act  under 
Gregory ;  and  as  Colonel  Meade  was  unacquainted  with 
the  officers  stationed  there,  he  pressed  me  to  permit 
Parker  to  go,  to  which  I  have  consented,  and  Gregory 
must  give  up  his  command  until  the  matter  is  cleared  up. 
From  Colonel  Parker's  report,  you  will  see  that  the 
enemy's  works  at  the  Great  Bridge  arc  very  strong,  and 
perhaps  will  not  be  taken  without  loss  of  men  and  loss 
of  time.  Should  the  place  not  fall  so  soon  as  you  ex 
pect,  I  request  your  orders,  whether  the  troops  may  be 
permitted  to  pass  the  Great  Bridge  to  Norfolk,  and  leave 
just  men  enough  to  confine  the  enemy  to  their  works,  as 
perhaps,  if  this  is  not  permitted,  we  shall  be  disappointed 
in  the  main  object.  Colonel  Meade  will  march  to-mor 
row  morning,  and  I  expect  him  to  get  to  Gregory's  camp 
by  the  evening  of  the  6th. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  great  respect,  dear  General, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENHEKG. 

To  Major-General  Baron  Steuben. 

34 


398  APPENDIX. 

No.  40. 

Camp,  near  Suffolk,  March  11,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Last  evening  Colonel  Senff,  with  Colonel  Gouvian, 
arrived  here,  and  communicated  to  me  your  orders  rela 
tive  to  the  destined  attack.  Colonel  Gouvian  returns 
this  morning  to  Williamsburg,  with  Mr.  Ludeman,  to 
whom  I  beg  leave  to  refer  you  for  an  account  of  our  late 
manoeuvres ;  I  shall  only  trouble  you  with  a  few  parti 
culars.  On  the  8th,  I  marched  to  the  fork  of  the  road 
below  Hall's,  where  we  encamped.  On  the  9th,  at 
break  of  day,  Colonels  Parker  and  Meade  marched  with 
their  detachment  for  the  Great  Bridge,  while  a  party 
from  my  corps  marched  towards  Portsmouth,  in  order 
to  amuse  the  enemy.  At  two  o'clock  Colonel  Parker 
wrote  me  that  he  was  safe.  Upon  receiving  this  notice 
I  returned  to  camp,  in  hopes  of  finding  the  promised  re 
inforcement,  but  am  sorry  to  inform  you  that  only 
between  four  and  five  hundred  men  are  yet  arrived,  and 
those  are  totally  without  arms,  as  neither  those  you 
ordered  on,  nor  those  from  Cabin  Point,  are  yet  come  to 
camp,  though  I  hope  they  will  get  in  to-day.  We  are 
likewise  in  the  utmost  want  of  cartridges,  as  I  have  not 
a  single  one  on  hand  to  supply  the  troops  coming  in, 
and  even  the  detachment  under  Colonel  Parker  was 
obliged  to  march  with  less  than  ten  rounds  per  man.  I 
have  promised  to  send  them  a  supply  as  soon  as  I  have 
it  in  my  power. 

Enclosed  I  do  myself  the  honour  to  transmit  you  some 
letters  relative  to  General  Gregory.  I  confess  myself  at 


APPENDIX.  399 

a.  loss  to  judge.  He  may  be  innocent,  and  I  hope  he 
may  prove  himself  so.  Enclosed  is  likewise  the  return 
you  were  pleased  to  order. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  great  respect,  dear  General, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

Major-General  Baron  Steuben. 

No.  41. 

Williamsburg,  12th  March,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Captain  Ludeman  has  just  handed  me  your  favour  of 
yesterday.  I  have  already  sent  you  all  the  arms  I  had, 
and  expect  they  are  with  you  by  this  time.  Ammuni 
tion  is  also  gone  to  you.  Captain  Ludeman  gave  me 
the  first  information  of  the  arrival  of  two  British  vessels 
of  sixty-four  and  fifty  guns. 

A  brig  and  two  or  three  small  merchant  vessels  have 
fallen  down  the  river,  I  don't  know  with  what  intention. 
When  the  brig  lay  off  this  place,  I  sent  on  board  and 
ordered  them  to  return  to  Hood's ;  but  it  seems  they  are 
got  down  to  Pagan's  Creek.  I  suspect  they  are  con 
cerned  with  the  enemy ;  at  all  events,  as  all  the  vessels 
on  James  River  are  taken  up  by  Government,  if  pos 
sible  you  must  secure  these  vessels  by  force,  and  have 
them  brought  up  the  river  to  Flood's. 

To-morrow  I  shall  order  one  regiment  of  General 
Wcedon's  detachment  to  cross  and  take  post  at  Bur- 
well's  Ferry ;  but  if  you  think  they  will  be  of  more  ser- 


400  APPENDIX. 

vice  at  Sleepy  Hole,  I  leave  it  to  you  to  order  them  there. 
Two  six-pounders  will  also  cross ;  these  are  destined  for 
vour  brigade,  and  you  will  therefore  dispose  of  them  as 
you  think  fit.  As  they  have  only  eight  artillerymen 
with  them,  Captain  Pendleton  must  choose  out  from 
your  command  as  many  old  soldiers  as  will  be  neces 
sary  for  the  purpose. 

STEUBEN. 
To  General  Muhlcnbcrg. 


Head -quarters,  Portsmouth,  March  14,  1781. 
Sili, — 

I  wrote  you,  the  8th  instant,  by  Lieutenant  Herron, 
respecting  the  detention  of  a  flag  of  truce,  which  left  this 
place  on  the  1st  of  February,  with  my  permission  to  go 
to  Westover,  to  which  I  beg  leave  to  refer,  and  to  which 
I  have  not  received  an  answer.  I  have  therefore  sent 
Lieutenant  Learmouth  with  a  flag,  for  an  answer  to  my 
letter  referred  to,  and  expect,  as  you  are  a  gentleman, 
that  an  explicit  and  not  an  evasive  answer  will  be  re 
turned  to  me.  The  violation  of  a  flag  of  truce  is  so  un 
precedented  among  civilized,  nay  among  savage  nations, 
and  calls  so  loudly  for  redress  or  retaliation,  that  I 
esteem  it  my  duty  to  demand  to  know  for  what  reasons 
mine  has  been  violated,  in  the  instance  of  Lieutenant 
Hare,  and  that  the  vessel  and  people  should  be  imme 
diately  released  and  returned  to  me.  If  I  receive  not  a 
satisfactory  answer,  or  you  persist  to  act  in  defiance  of 
the  law  of  nations,  1  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of  tak- 


APPENDIX.  401 

ing  such  measures,  however  disagreeable,  and  which  I 
have  hitherto  avoided,  as  will  teach  a  proper  respect  to 
flags  of  truce,  and  will  convince  those  in  power  among 
you  that  I  am  not  to  be  trifled  with. 

I  beg  you  to  remember  that  I  have  hitherto  spared 
your  defenceless  towns  and  private  property.  I  wish 
not  to  be  forced  into  acts  of  severity  at  which  the  hu 
mane  heart  must  recoil. 

I  beg  leave  also  to  observe  (in  compassion  to  your 
people  prisoners  with  me),  that  I  have  either  received 
none  or  evasive  answers  to  every  proposal  I  have  made 
for  an  exchange  of  those  unhappy  people. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 
Your  obedient  humble  servant, 

B.  ARNOLD,  Br.  Genl. 

To  Brigadier-General  Muhlenberg. 


No.  43. 

Williamsburg,  March  23d,  1781. 
GENL.  MUHLENEERG  : — 

My  dear  General, — On  my  arrival  here,  I  have  heard 
that  the  French  fleet  left  Newport  on  the  8th  instant.  I 
heard  likewise  that  a  body  of  troops,  whose  numbers  I 
do  not  know,  have  lately  left  New  York.  By  all  ac 
counts  the  fleet  now  in  Lynhaven  Bay  brought  no 
troops  along.  It  is  not  yet  known  whose  fleet  it  is,  but 
I  am  very  much  inclined  to  believe  that  it  is  that  of 
Arbuthnot.  All  these  circumstances  oblige  me  to  sus 
pend,  though  not  to  give  over,  our  intended  expedition  ; 
34* 


402  APPENDIX. 

and  I  will  be  obliged  to  you  to  keep  your  troops  in  rea 
diness  till  matters  are  sufficiently  cleared  up. 

You  will  oblige  me  by  letting  me  know  what  accounts 
you  have  received  from  Portsmouth,  as  soon  as  possible. 

STEUBEN. 


No.  44. 

Camp,  near  Suffolk,  March  i24th,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Captain  Browne,  who  has  been  in  the  town  since  the 
arrival  of  the  British  army,  has  just  come  in  from  Ports 
mouth,  and  gives  the  following  intelligence : — that  the 
British  fleet,  consisting  of  seven  ships  of  the  line,  one 
fifty,  and  three  frigates,  arrived  in  Lynhaven  Bay  on 
Saturday  last ;  that  about  twenty  leagues  off  the  Cape, 
they  fell  in  with  the  French  fleet,  and  engaged  them  one 
hour  and  a  half,  when  the  British  fleet  was  compelled  to 
sheer  off,  with  considerable  loss,  having  sixty-five  killed 
on  board  one  of  their  seventy-fours.  The  London  is 
likewise  considerably  damaged  in  her  rigging,  and  has 
lost  her  main-yard,  so  that  it  will  take  them  some  time 
to  refit. 

The  marines  from  Portsmouth  have  been  taken  away 
to  man  the  fleet;  and  the  whole  of  their  transports,  except 
four,  are  likewise  gone  to  join  the  fleet.  This,  I  think, 
will  enable  me  to  keep  the  enemy  close  in  Portsmouth, 
and  increase  their  distress  for  want  of  provisions,  which 


APPENDIX.  403 

is  already  great,  and  I  cannot  learn  that  the  fleet  has 
brought  them  a  supply. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  great  respect, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  the  honourable  Major-General 
the  Baron  de  Steuben. 


No.  45. 

Williamsburg,  27th  March,  1781. 
GENERAL  MUHLENBERG, — 

My  dear  General — Last  night  I  received  intelligence 
that  the  British  fleet  returned  on  Saturday  night  into 
Lynhavcn  Bay,  and  that  yesterday  morning  they  were 
joined  by  eighteen  more  sail.  These,  I  suppose,  are 
transports,  with  the  troops  from  New  York. 

In  this  situation,  I  think  it  of  the  utmost  consequence 
that  you  collect  the  whole  of  your  force  together.  You 
will  therefore  immediately  recall  the  two  regiments  you 
detached  with  Colonel  Parker,  making  such  movements 
as  you  think  proper  to  effect  a  junction  with  these  troops. 
This  must  be  done  before  the  enemy  have  time  to  send 
them  new  troops,  as  after  that  it  will  be  difficult,  if  not 
impossible.  Should  anything  now  prevent  your  forming 
a  junction  with  them  on  this  side  the  Swamp,  you  must 
send  them  orders  to  go  round  and  join  you  the  other  way. 

I  am,  dear  General, 

STEUBEN. 


401  APPENDIX. 


No.  46. 

Camp  near  Scott's,  April  3d,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Your  favour  of  the  2d  is  this  minute  come  to  hand.  I 
did  myself  the  honour  to  write  you  on  the  1st,  and  en 
closed  you  what  intelligence  I  had  received  relative  to 
the  enemy's  strength  at  Portsmouth,  viz.,  that  the  rein 
forcement  they  had  received  consisted  of  2,500  or  3,000. 
Besides  those,  they  have  about  200  horse,  and  are  com 
manded  by  General  Phillips.  From  this  reinforcement, 
and  the  number  of  boats  I  knew  the  enemy  had  at  com 
mand,  I  did  not  think  my  position  secure,  and  therefore 
removed  the  main  body  to  my  old  camp  near  Scott's, 
leaving  Colonel  Matthews'  and  Colonel  Wills'  regiments, 
with  Nelson's  horse,  at  my  old  camp  at  Cowper's  Mills, 
and  sent  Colonel  Dick's  battalion  to  reinforce  the  troops 
stationed  at  Chuckatuck ;  so  that  I  am  now,  in  my 
opinion,  in  the  best  position  this  place  affords,  either  to 
prevent  their  making  excursions  into  the  country,  or  to 
keep  pace  with  them,  should  they  move  up  James  River, 
which  I  am  inclined  to  think  they  will  attempt. 

The  reason  which  chiefly  inclines  me  to  believe  that 
they  intend  to  move  up  James  River  is,  that  they  landed 
their  horse  on  the  bay  shore,  and  crossed  them  over  to 
Portsmouth ;  and  report  says  that  Arnold  is  to  march  by 
land,  while  the  fleet,  with  part  of  the  troops,  moves  up 
the  river.  Enclosed  I  do  myself  the  honour  to  send  you 
a  gazette  extraordinary  from  New  York.  The  moment 


APPENDIX.  405 

I  have  my  camp  a  little  settled,  I  shall  do  myself  the 
honour  to  write  you  fully. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
With  great  respect,  dear  General, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  Major-General  Baron  Stcuben. 


No.  47. 

Portsmouth,  3d  April,  1781. 
SIR  — 

I  have  had  reported  to  me  by  Brigadier-General  Ar 
nold,  that  he  has  made  several  overtures  to  the  officers 
in  command  of  the  American  troops,  for  an  exchange  of 
the  prisoners  of  war  made  by  the  British  and  American 
forces  in  Virginia,  but  that  these  humane  propositions 
have  been  evaded,  counteracted,  and  refused  upon  various 
pretexts ;  and  that,  notwithstanding  General  Arnold  had 
allowed  a  number  of  prisoners,  taken  in  arms  upon  his 
expedition  up  James  River,  to  go  home  upon  their  paroles, 
the  same  indulgence  had  never  been  granted  to  any  of  the 
British  prisoners. 

I  apprehend  it  will  be  allowed,  from  General  Wash 
ington  to  the  lowest  rank  in  the  American  army,  that  I 
have  with  unwearied  pains  promoted  the  softening  of  the 
rigours  of  war  by  procuring,  from  my  applications  to  his 
Majesty's  commander-in-chief,  every  possible  indulgence 
to  the  American  officers,  prisoners  of  war;  and  I  appeal 
to  several  individuals  now  in  Virginia  upon  the  occasion. 


40G  APPENDIX. 

They  can  inform  you,  sir,  how  much  they  are  indebted 
through  me  for  very  many  instances  of  compassion  and 
humanity  from  his  Excellency  General  Sir  Henry 
Clinton. 

I  am  desirous  and  willing,  sir,  to  pursue  the  same  line 
of  liberal  conduct  while  I  remain  opposed  to  you  in  Vir 
ginia  ;  but  as  I  am  above  duplicity  myself,  I  will  not  be 
come  the  dupe  of  it  among  others.  T  will  not  consider 
you,  sir,  in  the  narrow,  contracted  view  in  which  persons 
unacquainted  with  the  generous  feelings  of  a  soldier  are 
often  seen.  I  will,  on  the  contrary,  suppose  you  go 
verned  by  the  openness  and  candour  which  usually,  and 
which  ought  always  to  govern  men  in  our  profession ; 
and  under  this  description  I  address  you. 

I  propose  to  you,  sir,  an  exchange  of  all  officers  and 
soldiers,  prisoners  of  war  on  both  sides,  rank  for  rank, 
as  far  as  will  apply,  and  otherwise  by  composition,  upon 
a  tariff,  from  whence  a  general  exchange  has  lately  taken 
place  between  the  British  and  American  commissary- 
generals  of  prisoners,  under  the  consent  of  his  Excel 
lency  General  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  General  Wash 
ington. 

Should  you,  sir,  be  under  the  necessity  of  retiring 
from  this  proposition  by  a  refusal  of  it,  I  shall  be  obliged, 
although  I  do  assure  you  very  unwillingly,  to  call  in  all 
officers  who  have  been  made  prisoners  of  war,  and  are 
now  on  parole,  in  which  will  be  included  several  gentle 
men  who  have  obtained  that  indulgence,  through  my 
application  and  otherwise,  from  Charleston,  South  Caro 
lina. 

Solemn  paroles  of  honour  are  of  too  serious  a  nature 


APPENDIX.  407 

for  officers  to  break ;  and  I  think  I  know  some  among 
you  whom  no  other  authority  could  govern  under  so 
nice  a  point  but  the  rectitude  and  punctilio  of  their  own 
feelings. 

If  you  will  give  it  to  me  under  your  hand  that  Colonel 
Elligood  shall  be  sent  in,  I  will  immediately  send 
Colonel  Curies  out,  and  conceive  the  exchange  mutual ; 
and  the  moment  the  former  arrives,  I  will  send  out  a 
certificate  for  the  latter  to  have  liberty  to  act  as  you 
think  proper.  I  am  to  beg  your  answer  directly,  as  a 
ship  of  war  will  sail  this  evening  for  New  York,  by 
which,  if  Colonel  Curies  is  not  exchanged,  I  shall  send 
him,  with  the  rest  of  the  prisoners  of  war,  to  that  place. 
I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

W.  PHILLIPS, 
Major-General. 

Brigadier-General  Mulilcnberg. 

No.  48. 

Camp  at  Eroadwalcr,  April  13,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

For  three  days  past  we  have  been  employed  in  bring 
ing  the  military  and  other  stores  to  this  place ;  and  after 
effecting  this,  I  marched  the  troops  I  had  remaining  to 
this  place,  as  I  thought  it  imprudent  to  remain  in  my 
former  position  after  being  so  much  weakened.  I  have 
now  about  1,000  men  remaining,  who  are  disposed  of 
in  the  following  manner.  Major  Reddick  with  110  men 
at  Cowper's  Mills,  above  Suffolk  ;  Major  Boyce  with  150 
men  near  Scott's;  and  Colonel  Wills  with  240  men  near 


408 


APPENDIX. 


Stoner's  Mills.  Five  hundred  remain  with  me  at  this 
place.  We  are  now  distant  from  Suffolk  twenty-two 
miles.  I  shall  do  everything  in  my  power  towards  re 
moving  the  military  stores  to  Prince  George  Court-house, 
but  the  scarcity  of  wagons  will  prevent  my  doing  it  as 
expeditiously  as  I  could  wish.  I  have  already  sent  part 
of  the  spare  arms  and  ammunition  to  that  place,  but 
must  beg  leave  to  represent  to  you  that  Prince  George 
is  too  near  James  River  to  render  it  a  place  of  safety  for 
our  stores,  while  the  enemy  have  the  command  of  the 
water,  and  so  many  boats  to  assist  in  the  execution  of 
any  enterprise  they  may  form  against  that  place.  I 
have  directed  Major  Mitchell,  who  is  perfectly  acquainted 
with  my  situation,  to  wait  on  you  himself,  and  receive 
your  orders. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
With  great  respect,  dear  General, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.   MUHLENKKRG. 

Major-General  the  Baron  de  Steubcn. 


No.  49. 

Cabin  Point,  April  20th,  1781. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Yesterday  afternoon  at  3  o'clock,  I  was  informed 
that  the  enemy  showed  no  inclination  to  land  near 
Pagan  Creek;  from  this,  I  judged  their  destination  was 
further  up  the  river.  At  4  o'clock,  I  broke  up  my 
camp  at  Broadwater,  where  I  left  the  Isle  of  Wight  and 


APPENDIX.  409 

Nansemond  militia,  and  marched  thirteen  miles,  to  Wall's 
Bridge,  where  I  encamped  for  the  night.  During  the 
night  I  received  the  enclosed  from  Colonel  Wills,  which 
occasioned  me  to  march  immediately  for  this  place,  in 
order  to  keep  ahead  of  the  fleet.  I  shall  only  continue  at 
this  place  a  short  time,  in  order  to  refresh  the  men,  and 
if  the  fleet  should  move  higher  up,  I  shall  endeavour  to 
keep  pace  with  them.  I  have  no  intelligence  from  them 
to-day,  but  expect  it  every  moment. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c., 

P.  MUHLBITBERG. 

To  Baron  Steuben. 


No.  50. 

Camp,  July  18th,  1781. 
MY  DEAR  SIR, — 

I  have  just  received  your  favour  of  yesterday's  date, 
and  am  sorry  to  find  that  we  are  not  to  have  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  you  in  camp,  before  you  set  out  for  the  north 
ward.  If  this  southern  climate  had  not  affected  your 
health  and  constitution  so  sensibly,  I  should  have  at 
tempted  to  dissuade  you  from  your  northern  jaunt  at 
this  time.  Your  knowledge  in  the  art  military,  and 
your  qualifications  as  an  executive  officer,  will  render 
your  absence  a  real  loss,  not  only  to  your  regiment, 
but  to  the  brigade  and  myself. 

I   shall   always   be   happy   to    have   the  esteem    and 
friendship  of  an  officer  of  your  character,  and  nothing 
will  give  me  more  pleasure  than  to  keep  up  the  inter- 
35 


410  APPENDIX. 

course,  and  strengthen  the  tie,  during  your  absence, 
by  a  literary  correspondence.  Wishing  you  a  pleasant 
journey,  and  a  speedy  recovery  of  your  health,  I  remain 
with  respect  and  esteem, 

Dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

Major  Graham, 

Richmond. 


No.  51. 

Shenandoah  Co.,  Virginia,  Feb.  1st,  1782. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

In  the  beginning  of  November  last  I  received  permis 
sion  from  his  Excellency  the  Commander-in-chief,  to 
retire  from  camp,  as  I  was  then  indisposed  and  unable 
to  march  with  the  troops.  I  am  now  somewhat  re 
covered,  and  only  wait  his  Excellency's  orders  when 
and  where  to  take  the  field.  But  as  I  live  in  a  part  of 
the  world  where  we  receive  no  papers,  and  opportunities 
to  Philadelphia  are  very  rare,  I  request  you  would  be 
pleased  to  send  any  orders  his  Excellency  may  have 
for  me  to  my  brother  Frederick  Muhlenberg  in  Phila 
delphia,  who  will  immediately  forward  them  to  me. 
I  am,  dear  General, 

With  respect  and  esteem, 
Your  very  humble  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 
To  Brig.  Gen.  Hand, 

Adjutant-General. 


APPENDIX.  411 

No.  52. 

Philadelphia,  14th  March,  1782. 
DEAR  SIR, — 

By  a  letter  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  from  you  not 
long  since,  I  learn  with  the  greatest  pleasure  that  your 
health  is  re-established,  and  that  you  are  ready  to  comply 
with  such  orders  as  his  Excellency  may  have  for  you. 
I  did  not  fail  immediately  to  communicate  the  purport 
of  your  letter  at  head-quarters,  and  take  the  liberty  of 
conveying  to  you  his  Excellency's  orders,  through  your 
brother, — the  channel  you  pointed  out.  The  General's 
letter  is  a  duplicate  of  one  sent  under  cover  to  Colonel 
Febiger.  With  the  sincerest  wishes  for  a  continuance 
of  your  health,  and  a  pleasant  and  successful  campaign, 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  dear  sir, 

Your  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

E.  HAND. 

To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg. 

No.  53. 

(General  Muhlenberg's  General  Orders.) 

Cumberland  Old  C.  H.,  May  2d,  1782. 
G.  O.,- 

His  Excellency  General  Washington  having  been 
pleased  to  appoint  me  to  the  general  superintendence 
of  the  recruiting  and  other  military  service  in  the  state, 


412  APPENDIX. 

I    have    thought    it    necessary   to    make   the    following 
arrangements  : 

Colonel  Febiger  will  continue  to  command  this  post 
as  a  general  rendezvous,  and  transact  the  business  in 
the  usual  manner.  The  officers  sent  by  Colonel  Febiger 
to  the  different  places  of  rendezvous  appointed  by  the 
Governor  and  Council,  are  to  continue  until  recalled, 
or  ordered  on  other  duty,  either  by  him  or  myself. 
The  confusion  and  irregularity  at  present  prevailing  in 
our  line,  occasioned  by  the  misconduct  of  some  officers, 
who  have  either  been  absent  a  long  time  without  leave, 
or  guilty  of  disobedience  to  orders  both  public  and 
private,  make  it  absolutely  necessary  to  introduce  some 
degree  of  regularity.  A  board  of  officers  is  therefore 
to  sit  immediately,  and  continue  sitting  every  day, 
(Sunday  excepted,)  for  the  following  purposes,  until  the 
business  is  completed. 

1st.  They  arc  to  examine  critically  the  conduct  of 
every  officer  who  has  been  absent  without  leave,  or 
stayed  beyond  the  time  limited;  ascertain  the  duty  he 
was  on,  and  when  last  employed ;  how  long  he  has  been 
absent,  and  whether  with  or  without  leave,  or  such 
other  circumstances  relative  to  his  conduct  as  they  may 
think  it  necessary  to  inquire  into ;  and  then  to  report 
their  opinion  whether  he  or  they  ought  to  be  prosecuted 
for  their  conduct. 

2d.  The  said  Board  is  occasionally,  as  the  commanding 
officer  shall  order,  to  convert  itself,  or  a  sufficient  part, 
into  a  general  court-martial,  for  the  trial  of  such  officers 
as  it  may  be  thought  necessary  to  prosecute. 

3d.  As  the  arrangement  made  at  Chesterfield  is  found 


APPENDIX.  413 

to  be  imperfect  in  some  respects,  occasioned  chiefly  by 
changes  which  have  happened  since,  the  Board  will 
therefore  re-examine  and  revise  the  same,  rectifying 
such  errors  as  through  inadvertency  may  have  crept 
in.  The  Chesterfield  arrangement  is,  however,  still  to 
continue  the  basis. 

4th.  The  said  Board  will  take  into  their  consideration 
the  situation  and  circumstances  of  the  line  at  large,  and 
adopt  such  measures  for  the  preservation  of  the  value  of 
our  certificates,  the  obtaining  our  lands,  and  other  matters 
which  may  occur  or  be  laid  before  them,  essentially 
necessary  for  the  good  of  the  line  at  large. 

P.  MUHLENBERG,  Brig.  Gen. 

No.  54. 

Richmond,  May  23d,  1782. 
SIR, — 

I  did  myself  the  honour  to  enclose  your  Excellency 
a  return  by  the  last  post  of  the  troops  at  Cumberland. 
Since  that  time  a  detachment  from  the  Eastern  Shore 
has  got  in.  I  flatter  myself,  that  as  soon  as  the  pro 
mised  clothing  arrives,  I  shall  be  able  to  equip  and  send 
on  two  hundred  men. 

The  House  of  Assembly  are  now  sitting,  but  have 
done  nothing  of  consequence  yet,  but  entering  into  some 
spirited  resolves  against  any  private  negotiation  with  the 
enemy,  or  negotiations  of  any  kind  contrary  to  our 
alliances  and  federal  union. 

They   likewise  resolve  to  exert  the  whole  power  of 
the  state  against  the  enemy  this  campaign. 
35* 


414  APPENDIX. 

There    are    letters    in    town    from    General    Greene, 
dated  the  6th  of  this  month,  but  contain  nothing  new. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be 

Your  Excellency's 
Most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  his  Excellency  Gen.  Washington. 


No.  55. 

Cumberland  C.  H.,  July  1st,  1782. 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL, — 

Since  my  stay  at  this  post,  which  is  now  more  than 
two  months,  I  have  not  been  honoured  with  a  line  from 
you.  I  did  myself  the  honour  to  write  to  you  four 
different  times,  requesting  your  orders  in  what  manner 
the  recruits  should  be  sent  on,  whether  by  companies 
or  larger  detachments.  The  whole  at  present  fit  for 
duty  at  this  post  amount  to  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
two,  and  would  have  been  sent  on  before  now,  but  were 
prevented  partly  by  not  receiving  your  orders,  but  more 
so  by  being  disappointed  in  the  clothing  promised  by 
General  Washington  early  in  the  spring.  I  have  since 
written  repeatedly  to  General  Lincoln  to  have  it  for 
warded  on,  and  am  now  in  hopes  it  will  arrive  in  a  few 
days.  As  soon  as  the  clothing  arrives,  the  detachment 
snail  be  forwarded,  on  without  loss  of  time. 

We  have  nothing  new  from  the  northward  that  can 
be  depended  on.  The  French  troops  are  leaving  the 
state,  and  one  thousand  militia  are  ordered  out  to  garrison 


APPENDIX.  415 

York  and  Hampton.  A  report  prevails  in  Richmond, 
and  is  credited,  that  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  has 
arrived  at  Rhode  Island  with  five  or  seven  ships  of  the 
line  and  three  thousand  land  forces,  and  that  General 
Washington  has  taken  six  hundred  of  the  enemy  who 
were  out  on  a  foraging  party  ;  but  there  are  no  official 
accounts  of  either.  The  Assembly  have  voted  three 
thousand  men  to  be  raised  immediately,  and  from  the 
plan  they  have  adopted,  I  flatter  myself  we  shall  meet 
with  better  success  than  heretofore. 

I  am,  with  the  highest  respect, 
Dear  General,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MuiILENBERG. 
To  the  Hon.  Maj.  Gen.  Greene. 


No.  56. 

Cumberland  C.  II.,  July  9tb,  1782. 
SIR, — 

Since  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  your  Excellency 
by  the  last  post,  eleven  men  deserted  from  this  post, 
carried  off  by  some  old  offenders,  who  were  sent  in  as 
substitutes.  The  most  notorious  villain  of  the  whole  is 
apprehended,  and  was  yesterday  by  a  general  court- 
martial  sentenced  to  be  shot.  He  acknowledges  himself 
guilty  of  deserting  four  different  times,  stealing  a  horse, 
forging  a  discharge  and  pass  in  my  name,  and  of  having 
joined  the  British  army  last  campaign,  but  notwithstand 
ing,  I  am  convinced  that  nothing  but  exemplary  punish 
ment  will  put  a  stop  to  desertion,  and  that  the  person  I 


410  APPENDIX. 

have  described  to  your  Excellency  is  a  proper  object ;  yet 
I  was  very  loth  to  order  his  execution,  until  I  could  re 
ceive  directions  from  your  Excellency  in  what  manner 
to  act. 

General  Scott,  and  other  field  officers  whom  I  have 
consulted  on  this  head,  urge  the  execution,  alleging  that 
unless  the  punishment  is  prompt,  it  will  not  answer  the 
good  purpose  for  which  it  was  intended,  and  that  if  I 
wait  to  receive  your  Excellency's  orders,  the  troops  will, 
in  all  probability,  have  marched,  and  none  be  left  to 
profit  by  the  example.  I  have  therefore  confirmed  the 
sentence,  and  ordered  it  to  be  put  into  execution  on  the 
16th  of  this  month. 

I  hope  the  proceedings  will  meet  your  Excellency's 
approbation. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  great  respect, 

Your  Excellency's 
Most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

His  Excellency  Gen.  Washington. 


No.  57. 

Philadelphia,  July  22d,  1782. 
SIR,— 

Having  written  you  by  a  private  conveyance  just  be 
fore  the  arrival  of  yours  by  this  post,  I  have  only  to 
acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  favour  of  the  9th  inst., 
and  to  approve  your  conduct  respecting  the  execution  of 


APPENDIX.  417 

the  deserter  mentioned.     The  benefit  resulting  from  a 
promptitude  of  execution,  and  the  necessity  of  example 
in  this  case,  serve  to  plead  your  justification. 
I  am,  sir,  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg, 

Cumberland  C.  H. 


No.  58. 

Cumberland  C.  H.,  August  15th,  1782. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

I  was  honoured  with  your  favour  of  the  10th  of  July, 
a  few  days  ago,  and  now  do  myself  the  honour  to  enclose 
a  weekly  return  of  the  troops  stationed  at  this  place.  To 
account  for  the  small  addition  of  strength  during  the  last 
two  months,  I  beg  leave  to  inform  you  that  after  all  the 
trouble  I  was  at  in  sending  out  recruiting  officers,  esta 
blishing  and  visiting  the  different  posts,  I  was  compelled 
by  directions  from  the  Governor,  to  recall  the  whole,  as 
the  promised  bounty-money  could  not  be  procured.  All 
our  present  dependence  is  on  the  Act  passed  last  session 
for  raising  3,000  men  by  a  draft.  The  county  lieutenants 
are  now  laying  off  their  counties  into  districts,  but  I  fancy 
it  will  be  near  four  weeks  before  they  begin  to  come  in. 
I  should  long  before  this  have  sent  in  two  companies, 
but  was  prevented  by  a  letter  from  General  Washington, 
wherein  he  says  :  "  The  present  state  of  intelligence  and 
uncertainty  prevents  an  order  for  your  recruits  to  be  put 
on  the  march  ;  as  soon  as  this  is  removed,  you  will  be 
furnished  with  instructions." 


418 


APPENDIX. 


The  French  fleet  which  lately  touched  at  our  Capes, 
is  gone  off  to  Rhode  Island  :  this  occasions  a  report  that 
New  York  is  to  be  attacked,  but  others  think  it  more 
probable  that  the  fleet  are  looking  out  for  a  port  to  refit. 
The  Secretary  at  War  informs  me  that  350  suits  of 
clothing  are  made  up  for  the  Virginia  recruits,  and  are 
to  he  sent  on  immediately.  Among  the  recruits  now  at 
this  post  I  found  several  old  soldiers  who  formerly  served 
in  the  artillery.  As  these  will  be  much  more  serviceable 
to  that  corps  than  new  recruits,  I  have  directed  a  com 
pany  to  be  formed  by  degrees  for  the  regiment  of  artil 
lery,  which  is  at  present  commanded  by  Captain  Lieu 
tenant  Bohannan,  and  consists  of  twenty-two  rank  and 
file  fit  for  duty. 

This  week's  accounts  from  the  frontier  are  very  alarm 
ing.  The  Indians  are  pushing  on  and  making  the  best 
of  the  victory  they  lately  obtained  over  Colonel  Craw 
ford  ;  indeed,  it  is  thought  that  not  only  Kentucky,  but 
much  more  of  the  frontier  will  be  entirely  depopulated. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  the  highest  respect,  dear  General, 
Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

P.  MUHLENBERG. 

To  Maj.  Gen.  Greene. 


No.  59. 

Ashley  Hill,  Nov.  12th,  1782. 
DEAR  SIR, — 

Your  letters  of  the  25th  August  and  14th  September  I 
have  received.      In  consequence   of  the   arrangement 


APPENDIX.  419 

made  by  the  Secretary  at  War,  I  think  it  probable  that 
the  1st  Virginia  regiment  on  the  new  arrangement,  will 
be  employed  in  this  country.  You  will  therefore  have 
in  view  the  preparations  necessary  for  finding  a  sufficient 
number  of  officers  and  men,  to  complete  the  corps.  We 
have  now,  I  believe,  about  170  men  from  your  state  with 
the  army.  I  shall  write  the  Commander-in-chief  on  the 
subject,  and  you  may  expect  to  receive  his  orders  through 
the  Secretary  at  War.  I  rely  on  your  assiduity  and 
attention  for  getting  forward  the  return  of  the  Virginia 
officers,  which  I  requested  might  be  sent  to  the  Wai- 
Office,  in  consequence  of  the  Resolution  of  Congress  of 
the  7th  August  last. 

The  1st  and  3d  regiments  of  dragoons  are  already 
incorporated,  and  I  expect  will  be  very  complete.  The 
preparations  of  the  enemy  for  abandoning  this  state  are 
now  in  such  forwardness,  that  I  look  for  that  event  to 
take  place  in  a  few  days. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  sincere  esteem  and  regard, 

Dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

NATHANIEL  GREENE. 

To  General  Muhlenberg. 


No.  60. 

Head-quarters,  Newburgh,  13th  Nov.,  1782. 
DEAR  SIR, — 

Governor  Harrison  informs  me,  in  a  letter  of  the  25th 
ult.,  that  an  officer  of  the  Virginia  line,  whose  name  he 


420  APPENDIX. 

says  he  has  pointed  out  to  you,  has  received  a  sum  of 
money  for  the  recruiting  service,  which  he  declares  he 
will  apply  in  the  first  instance  to  the  payment  of  his  own 
arrearages  of  pay,  and  the  balance,  if  any,  to  the  pur 
poses  for  which  he  drew  the  sum.  The  Governor  fur 
ther  informs  me  that  he  has  furnished  you  with  proofs 
of  the  fact,  and  has  directed  you  to  call  the  officer  to  a 
proper  account. 

I  can  have  no  doubt  of  your  not  only  immediately 
doing  this,  but  taking  steps  to  put  a  stop  to  a  practice  of 
the  like  kind  by  others.  Though  I  hope  no  other  will 
be  found  so  lost  to  all  sense  of  honour  and  honesty  as  to 
attempt  it. 

It  will  be  necessary  for  you,  not  only  for  information ' 
but  to  prevent  misapplication  of  public  money,  to  call 
upon  the  recruiting  officers  very  often  for  returns,  and 
if  men  are  not  sent  in  agreeably  to  returns,  you  may 
well  suspect  improper  conduct. 

You  will,  as  before  directed,  make  me  monthly  returns 
at  least. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  &c., 
G.  WASHINGTON. 

To  Brig.  Gen.  Muhlenberg. 


No.  61. 

Winchester  Barracks,  Jan.  13th,  1783. 
SIR, — 

I  have  been  honoured  with  your  Excellency's  letter  of 
the  13th  of  November,  relative  to  the  Governor's  charge 
against  Captain  Fox,  the  recruiting  officer  appointed  for 


APPENDIX.  421 

Spottsylvania.  Previously  to  the  receipt  of  your  Excel 
lency's  letter,  I  had  already  summoned  Captain  Fox  to 
the  rendezvous,  together  with  Mr.  Mountjoy,  who  had 
lodged  the  information  with  the  Governor.  Captain  Fox 
attended,  and  denied  the  charge  in  the  most  positive 
manner.  Mr.  Mountjoy  did  not  attend,  but  asserted  that 
he  had  received  his  information  from  his  brother,  Captain 
Mountjoy.  Captain  Fox  at  the  same  time  produced  a 
certificate  from  Captain  Mountjoy,  asserting  that  he  had 
never  heard  Captain  Fox  make  use  of  the  expression 
alluded  to.  Mr.  Mountjoy  has  since  attended,  and  in 
formed  me  that  the  only  witness  he  had  against  Captain 
Fox  was  Captain  Mountjoy.  As  this  was  the  case,  and 
there  was  nothing  to  found  a  charge  upon  against  Cap 
tain  Fox,  I  put  off  the  trial,  wrote  to  the  Governor, 
enclosed  him  the  papers,  and  requested  his  further  direc 
tions,  but  have  not  yet  heard  from  him. 

In  November  only  we  received  part  of  the  three  hun 
dred  suits  of  clothing  promised  me  last  spring.  Since 
their  arrival  the  recruiting  service  comes  on  much  better 
than  before.  There  are  two  obstacles  still  remaining, 
which  greatly  retard  us,  to  remove  which  I  have  fre 
quently  applied  to  the  Government  in  vain. 

The  first  is,  that  no  provisions  are  allowed  by  the 
state  for  the  recruits  at  the  different  places  of  rendez 
vous.  The  recruiting  officer  must  therefore  suffer  his 
men  to  shift  for  themselves,  and  get  to  the  rendezvous 
as  well  as  they  can ;  and  by  this  means  a  number  of 
men  are  lost,  for,  after  spending  their  bounty-money, 
they  refuse  to  march  to  the  general  rendezvous  without 
provisions.  Major  Poulson,  on  the  eastern  shore,  after 


422  APPENDIX. 

collecting  eighteen  men,  was  obliged  to  disband  them  for 
want  of  provisions. 

The  other  is,  that  no  steps  are  taken  to  apprehend 
deserters,  or  to  put  the  laws  against  them  in  force. 

It  is  out  of  my  power  to  send  out  parties  to  apprehend 
them,  as  no  provisions  are  issued  on  Continental  account 
at  any  post  but  this  within  the  state,  where  the  party 
could  be  supplied. 

I  have  indeed  offered  a  reward  out  of  my  own  pocket 
for  apprehending  two  or  three  notorious  offenders ;  but, 
unless  Government  will  interfere,  anything  I  can  do  at 
this  place  to  prevent  desertion  will  have  no  effect. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
With  the  highest  respect, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient 
Humble  servant, 

P.   MUHLENBERG. 

His  Excellency  General  Washington, 

Head-quarters. 

No.  62. 

Berkley,  March  27th,  1785. 
DEAR  GENERAL, — 

A  number  of  the  late  officers,  both  at  Fredericksburg 
and  Richmond,  requested  me  to  inform  you  that  they  are 
apprehensive  the  Society  of  Cincinnati  will  fall  through 
in  this  state,  unless  some  exertions  are  made  to  prevent 
it.  They  wish  you  to  advertise  the  meeting  either  at 
Fredericksburg  or  Richmond,  though  much  the  greater 
number  wish  it  to  be  at  the  latter,  because  near  thirty 
officers  are  at  present  employed  in  that  place  and  its 


APPENDIX.  423 

vicinity,  and  some  of  them  in  posts  which  they  cannot 
leave.  But  what  they  are  most  solicitous  about  is,  that 
either  the  President  or  Vice-President  should  attend,  as 
many  object  to  the  gentleman  who  presided  last  at  Fre- 
dericksburg.  Whether  those  objections  are  well  or  ill 
founded  I  cannot  say,  but  it  seems  that  many  of  them 
refuse  to  attend,  provided  that  gentleman  presides. 

I  should  have  done  myself  the  honour  to  have  waited 
on  you,  but  I  have  been  so  long  detained  by  high  waters 
that  I  cannot  possibly  spare  time,  as  I  am  obliged  to  be 
in  Philadelphia  on  Friday.  I  should  be  happy  to  re 
ceive  a  line  from  you  to  know  whether  you  can  make  it 
convenient  to  attend  the  meeting. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  respect, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

P.  MUBLENBEBG. 

To  Major-General  Gates. 

No.  63. 

Traveller's  Rest,  Berkley  Co.,  Virginia, 

19th  April,  1785. 
DEAR  SIR, — 

Mr.  Charles  Washington  (the  General's  brother)  de 
livered  me  your  favour  of  the  27th  March.  I  purpose 
to  attend  the  Potomac  meeting,  in  Alexandria,  the  17th 
instant,  where  I  shall  see  the  General.  Previous  to  any 
step  being  taken  in  the  business  you  recommend,  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  his  sentiments  should  be  known, 
for  it  will  take  all  his  support  to  prop  the  falling  institu 
tion  ;  to  act  without  that  is  only  confirming  its  ruin. 
Whenever  it  is  resolved  to  be  proper  to  have  a  meeting, 


424 


APPENDIX. 


I  think  with  you  that  Richmond  is  the  fittest  place  to 
hold  it  at. 

When  I  was  there  last  December,  I  clearly  perceived 
so  rooted  an  aversion  in  the  body  of  the  Legislature  to 
the  revival  of  the  Order,  that  I  by  no  means  think  this  a 
favourable  moment  to  urge  it.  That  powerful  body  then 
seemed  earnest  to  do  ample  justice  to  the  disbanded  mili 
tary;  therefore  it  is  my  private  opinion  we  should  be 
cautious  how  we  do  anything  to  lessen  their  ardour  for 
our  interest. 

Mr.  George  Heydt  came  here  lately,  and  said  you  de 
sired  him  to  tell  me  that  the  Executive  were  continually 
ordering  the  money  appropriated  by  the  Legislature  for 
the  payment  of  one-eighth  of  the  principal  of  the  debt 
due  to  the  military,  to  be  paid  out  of  the  treasury  for 
other  purposes  than  that  for  which  it  was  raised.  I 
cannot  think  this  will  in  the  end  be  found  to  be  the  case. 
I  do  not  say  they  may  not,  for  pressing  emergencies, 
have  directed  some  of  that  money  to  be,  for  the  present, 
taken  out  of  the  treasury ;  but  I  persuade  myself  they 
certainly  mean  to  replace  it  in  time  to  pay  the  military, 
for  I  trust  the  Executive  arc  too  honourable  and  too  wise 
to  attempt  to  abrogate  a  positive  law  of  the  state.  Your 
answer  will  reach  me  at  Alexandria  by  the  post. 
I  am,  dear  sir, 

Your  affectionate,  humble  servant, 

H.  G. 

To  General  Muhlcnberg-. 


GENERAL  MUHLBNBEBG'8  JOURNAL. 

1784. 

ON  Sunday,  February  22d,  set  out  from  my  father's 
in  Philadelphia  County,  on  my  intended  journey  to  the 
Falls  of  Ohio,  as  one  of  the  Superintendents  appointed 
by  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  to  locate  the  lands  intended 
for  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Virginia  line  on  Con 
tinental  establishment.  At  10,  P.M.,  took  leave  of  my 
family  and  parents,  and  rode  in  company  with  my  bro 
ther,  F.  A.  M.,  to  Falkener's  Swamp;  from  thence  twelve 
miles  to  Major  Swaine's,  where  we  remained  all  night. 

Feb.  23d. — Lay  still,  in  order  to  procure  a  horse, 
portmanteau,  and  some  necessaries.  In  the  afternoon 
my  brother  returned  home. 

Feb.  24th. — Set  out  for  Reading,  in  company  with 
Mr.  Richards,  and  arrived  there  in  the  evening.  Here 
we  were  overtaken  by  Major  Swaine  and  Captain  Paske ; 
the  latter  had  followed  me  in  order  to  consult  me  whether 
it  would  be  advisable  for  him  to  undertake  the  journey 
to  the  Falls  of  Ohio,  in  order  to  procure  some  land.  He 
determined  on  the  journey,  and  set  out  again  for  Phila 
delphia,  whilst  I  promised  him  to  proceed  slowly  until  he 
should  overtake  me. 

Feb.  25th. — Lay  still  at  Reading,  and  dined  with 
Squire  Levan,  in  company  with  a  number  of  officers. 

Feb.  26th. — Proceeded  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Schulze's,  in 
Tulpehocken,  seventeen  miles  from  Reading,  when  find 
ing  myself  indisposed,  I  took  some  medicine,  and  con- 
36* 


426 


APPENDIX. 


tinned  there  until  the  28th,  when  I  set  out  on  an  excessively 
cold  afternoon,  and  rode  to  Colonel  Kucher's,  near  Le 
banon,  and  ten  miles  from  Mr.  Schulze's. 

Feb.  29th. — Lay  by,  on  account  of  the  excessive  cold. 

March  1st. — Set  out  from  Lebanon.  Found  the  cold 
very  severe,  and  the  roads  almost  impassable,  as  the 
snow  was  better  than  two  feet  deep  throughout,  and  in 
many  places  blown  up  so  high  that  I  was  compelled  to 
break  new  roads  through  the  woods.  In  the  evening, 
after  a  very  fatiguing  journey,  I  arrived  at  Harris's  Ferry, 
twenty-three  miles  from  Lebanon. 

March  2d. — Crossed  the  Susquehanna  on  the  ice,  and 
came  to  Major  Reed's,  eleven  miles  from  the  ferry,  where 
I  expected  to  find  some  company,  but  was  disappointed. 
In  the  evening  I  accompanied  Major  Reed  and  his  lady 
to  Carlisle,  where  the  tragedy  of  Douglas  was  acted  by 
some  young  students  at  law.  A  large  number  of  people 
attended,  who  were  liberal  in  applauding  the  performers. 
The  theatre  was  in  a  part  of  the  barracks,  the  scenery 
new,  and  the  whole  performed  as  well  as  could  be  ex 
pected. 

March  3d. — Lay  by  at  Major  Reed's,  where  I  was 
visited  by  Colonels  John  and  George  Gibson,  and  in  the 
evening  was  joined  by  Captain  Paske,  from  Philadelphia, 
which  gave  me  great  pleasure,  as  my  journey  without  a 
companion  would  have  been  not  only  disagreeable,  but 
dangerous. 

March  4th. — Set  out  from  Major  Reed's  in  company 
with  Captain  Paske.  Detained  ourselves  some  time  in 
Carlisle,  where  I  visited  General  Irvine;  and  in  the 
evening  arrived  at  Shippenstown,  twenty-four  miles  from 
Major  Reed's,  the  snow  still  increasing  in  depth. 


APPENDIX.  427 

March  5th. — Set  out  from  Shippenstown,  and  took  the 
mountain  path  for  Bedford,  which  is  eighteen  miles  nearer 
than  through  Chambersburg.  We  breakfasted  at  Mr. 
Clarke's,  ten  miles  from  Shippenstown,  at  the  head  spring 
of  the  Cannigogwinnett;  thence  to  the  Horse  Valley,  three 
miles;  ihence  through  the  Path  Valley  to  the  Burnt  Cabin, 
eight  miles ;  and  thence  to  Fort  Littleton,  four  miles, 
where  we  stayed  all  night.  The  snow  on  the  mountains 
was  in  general  between  two  and  three  feet  deep,  and  the 
path  so  difficult  and  narrow  that  we  should  have  attempted 
in  vain  to  cross  it,  had  not  about  forty  pack  horses  crossed 
it  the  day  before,  and  who  now  lodge  at  the  same  place 
with  us. 

March  6th. — Set  out  from  Littleton;  came  to  Sideling 
Hill,  nine  miles ;  thence  ten  miles  to  Juniata,  which  we 
crossed  on  the  ice ;  from  thence  to  Bedford,  fourteen 
miles.  The  snow  still  continues  the  same  depth.  Politics 
and  politicians  are  as  plenty  here  as  in  Philadelphia,  if 
great  things  may  be  compared  to  small.  Ihad  flattered 
myself  that,  as  we  were  going  toward  the  frontiers,  we 
should  soon  be  out  of  the  latitude  of  politics ;  but  even 
here  two  men  cannot  drink  half  a  gill  of  whiskey  without 
discussing  a  point  in  politics,  to  the  great  improvement 
and  edification  of  the  bystanders.  Especially  so  to  me, 
while  I  stand  by  incog,  and  hear  the  name  of  Muhlen- 
berg  made  use  of,  sometimes  in  one  way  and  sometimes 
in  another ;  for  were  I  known,  I  believe  no  one  would 
have  the  hardiesse  to  mention  that  name  with  disrespect, 
and  look  at  me,  for  I  have  at  present  the  perfect  resem 
blance  of  Robinson  Crusoe :  four  belts  around  me,  two 
brace  of  pistols,  a  sword  and  rifle  slung,  besides  my 


428  APPENDIX. 

pouch  and  tobacco-pipe,  which  is  not  a  small  one.  Add 
to  this  the  blackness  of  my  face,  which  occasions  the 
inhabitants  to  take  me  for  a  travelling  Spaniard,  and  I 
am  sure  that  my  appearance  alone  ought  to  protect  me 
from  both  politics  and  insult. 

March  7th. — Set  out  from  Bedford  in  company  with 
two  Mr.  M'Farlands,  who  were  acquainted  with  the  road. 
We  took  the  Glade  Road,  and  carried  provisions  for  our 
selves  and  provender  for  our  horses ;  and  in  the  evening 
arrived,  hungry  and  fatigued,  at  Mr.  Black's,  thirty  miles 
from  Bedford. 

March  8th. — Set  out  from  Black's,  came  down  the 
Allegheny,  crossed  Laurel  Hill,  and  about  an  hour  after 
night,  came  to  Cherry's  Mill,  thirty-one  miles  from 
Black's.  This  evening  it  began  to  rain  and  thaw ;  and 
we  find  the  snow  entirely  gone  on  this  side  of  Laurel 
Hill,  which  gives  us  some  uneasiness  with  regard  to  the 
creeks  we  have  to  cross. 

March  9th. — It  rained  and  snowed  very  hard,  not 
withstanding  which  we  continued  our  journey.  At  ten 
miles  from  Cherry's  Mill,  we  came  to  Big  Suweekly, 
which  was  rising  fast:  we  crossed  it  with  much  difficulty, 
and  got  very  wet.  Five  miles  farther,  we  came  to  Little 
Suweekly,  which  was  likewise  very  difficult  to  cross. 
We  travelled  five  miles  farther,  but  being  very  wet,  the 
snow  and  rain  increasing,  we  halted  and  stayed  all  night 
at  Mr.  Lord's. 

March  10th. — We  rode  ten  miles  to  Turtle  Creek, 
which  was  very  high ;  and  the  ice  breaking,  we  cut  down 
trees,  and  with  their  assistance  got  over.  We  crossed 
first,  and  then  drew  our  horses  over  by  a  long  rope.  We 
got  over  in  about  two  hours,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Pitt  in 


APPENDIX.  429 

the  afternoon,  where  I  found  Colonel  Anderson,  the  prin 
cipal  surveyor,  Dr.  Skinner,  and  some  other  of  my 
friends,  waiting  the  clearing  of  the  river,  in  order  to  pro 
ceed  to  the  Falls.  Colonel  Anderson  was  kind  enough 
to  offer  me  a  passage  in  his  boat,  which  is  nearly  ready, 
and  to  carry  one  horse  for  me.  I  shall  consequently 
keep  but  one,  and  have  given  away  my  baggage  horse. 

March  llth. — The  ice  is  driving  very  fast  on  the 
Monongahela,  and  I  expect  that  stream  will  be  clear  in 
a  day  or  two.  The  Allegheny  seems  not  yet  broken  up, 
so  that  in  all  probability  it  will  be  eight  or  ten  days  be 
fore  we  can  set  out.  This  will  give  us  time  to  arrange 
matters  properly.  This  day  I  have  delivered  my  war 
rants,  and  those  entrusted  to  my  care,  to  Colonel  Ander 
son  for  the  Continental,  and  Major  Croghan  for  the  state 
line,  and  have  now  fixed  everything  for  the  voyage,  ex 
cept  a  few  necessaries  which  are  yet  to  provide.  The 
remaining  part  of  my  leisure  I  employ  in  preparing  my 
lines,  and  trying  to  catch  some  Ohio  fish,  which,  ac 
cording  to  report,  are  very  large ;  but  hitherto  I  have 
been  unsuccessful,  as  the  river  is  still  too  full  of  ice. 

Sunday,  March  14th. — Rains  hard;  keep  within  doors. 
The  ice  has  now  broken  up,  and  both  Allegheny  and 
the  Monongahela  have  risen  upwards  of  twenty  feet. 
This  week  we  are  preparing  our  horses,  &c.,  but  do  not 
expect  our  boat  to  be  ready  in  less  than  ten  days. 

Sunday,  21st. — Doctor  Skinner,  Captain  Fitzhugh  and 
others,  left  for  Kentucky,  the  river  being  still  full  of  ice. 

Sunday,  28th. — This  day  our  boat  arrived,  with  22,000 
weight  of  flour,  1500  weight  of  bacon,  &c.,  on  board. 

March  29th. — Still  engaged  in  getting  our  horses 
aboard. 


430  APPENDIX. 

March  30th. — This  morning  prevented  from  sailing 
by  a  severe  snow-storm  from  the  northwest.  A  boat 
belonging  to  Mr.  Lewis,  of  Virginia,  having  himself  and 
brother  on  board,  and  one  belonging  to  Captain  Ellis, 
from  the  Eastern  Shore,  go  with  us  in  company. 

March  31st. — The  weather  is  more  moderate.  At 
half  past  ten  we  set  out  from  Fort  Pitt,  passed  Logstown 
and  Fort  M'Intosh,  but  about  thirteen  miles  below  the 
fort,  near  sunset,  we  were  carried  by  the  force  of  the  cur 
rent  on  the  point  of  an  island,  where  we  ran  the  greatest 
risk  of  losing  both  vessel  and  cargo.  In  this  situation 
we  continued  all  night ;  and  as  I  was  requested  to  take 
command  of  the  company,  we  formed  four  watches,  each 
taking  the  guard  in  turn.  What  added  to  our  uneasiness 
was,  that  we  were  near  the  Indian  shore,  and,  in  our 
situation,  would  have  become  an  easy  prey  to  the  Indians, 
who,  however  desirous  they  might  be  of  obtaining  a  peace, 
would  not  have  been  able  to  withstand  the  great  tempta 
tion  of  plundering  a  boat  so  richly  laden  as  ours.  I  like 
wise  observed  how  misfortunes  depress  the  spirits,  and 
raise  gloomy  ideas  from  causes  which  at  other  times 
would  have  no  effect ;  for  I  must  confess  that  I  did  not 
hear  the  noise  of  the  wild  fowl,  the  screaming  of  loons, 
the  whooping  of  owls,  and  the  howling  of  wolves,  which 
continued  around  us  all  night,  with  total  indifference. 

April  1st. — At  break  of  day  our  difficulties  seemed  to 
increase,  but  by  one  lucky  effort  we  at  last  extricated 
ourselves,  and  got  the  boat  into  the  river  clear  of  the 
trees.  We  found  our  consort  about  three  miles  below 
waiting  our  arrival.  We  continued  our  course  without 
accidents  to  Decker's  Fort,  where  we  stopped  a  few 
hours,  and  then  went  on  to  Fort  Wheeling.  This  fort 


APPENDIX.  431 

was  built  by  the  .Governor  of  Virginia  in  1774,  and 
was  during  the  late  war  several  times  attacked  by  the 
Indians,  and  once  by  the  Indians  and  a  detachment  of 
British  from  Detroit,  who  besieged  it  several  days,  and 
at  last  endeavoured  to  compel  the  garrison  to  surrender, 
by  making  a  cannon  of  wood,  and  firing  it  upon  the 
fort.  The  cannon,  however,  did  not  stand  proof,  and 
the  Indians,  who  made  a  close  attack,  were  beaten  off 
and  the  garrison  relieved.  The  fort  is  now  totally 
decayed,  arid  Captain  Zane,  the  only  inhabitant  at  or 
near  the  place,  makes  use  of  it  for  firewood.  This 
place  lies  about  one  hundred  miles  below  Fort  Pitt,  and 
as  it  is  the  last  settlement  we  shall  come  to  until  we 
reach  the  Falls,  we  have  agreed  to  stay  all  night,  espe 
cially  as  it  rains  and  snows  hard,  and  we  have  the 
promise  of  some  mush  and  milk  for  supper. 

April  2d. — This  morning  we  were  joined  by  two 
boats  more,  with  families  going  to  the  Falls.  To  avoid 
any  danger  from  Indians,  they  wish  to  keep  us  com 
pany,  so  that  we  have  now  five  sail :  the  Muhlenberg, 
the  Lewis,  the  Ellis,  the  Dowdon,  and  Carpenter's 
Mistake.  As  the  weather  was  moderate  and  fine,  we 
continued  under  way  all  night,  and  at  4  p.  M.  passed 
Fish  Creek,  at  8  o'clock  passed  Fishing  Creek,  and  at 
4  in  the  morning  passed  Muskingum,  one  hundred  and 
eighty-nine  miles  below  Fort  Pitt. 

April  3d. — A  fine  day ;  but  as  we  are  without  wood 
and  fresh  meat,  the  whole  company  have  agreed  to  land. 
Finding  it  impracticable,  however,  to  bring  our  boat  to 
shore,  we  were  obliged  to  continue  our  course  all  night. 
Captain  Harrison  in  the  small  boat  ran  ashore,  and 


432  APPENDIX. 

brought  a  large  turkey-cock.  About  midnight  we  passed 
the  mouth  of  Sciota. 

April  4th. — Cloudy  and  raining ;  in  the  morning  we 
went  in  the  barge  to  the  Indian  shore  and  killed  two 
turkeys,  some  ducks  and  pigeons.  At  12  o'clock  we 
passed  the  Little  Cannauway,  and  afterwards  passed 
the  Hockhockin,  and  continued  our  course  all  night 
without  accident. 

April  5th. — Continued  on  our  course  until  9  o'clock, 
when  a  heavy  storm  came  on,  and  we  were  compelled 
to  come  to  shore  on  the  Indian  side.  After  we  had 
taken  every  precaution  to  keep  our  boat  from  harm, 
a  hunting  party  turned  out  and  killed  one  buffalo  and 
one  deer,  but  both  very  poor.  This  is  part  of  the  land 
allotted  to  the  Virginia  line.  The  storm  continued  very 
severely,  and  obliged  us  to  lay  by  all  night. 

April  6th. — As  the  morning  promised  a  fair  day,  we 
set  out,  but  the  storm  coming  up  again,  we  were  obliged 
to  come  to  on  the  Indian  shore.  Here  we  landed  our 
horses  to  recruit  them  a  little,  and  rode  five  or  six  miles 
into  the  country  to  view  the  lands,  which  are  exceedingly 
fine,  especially  the  bottoms.  We  killed  three  buffaloes, 
but  found  them  too  poor  to  eat,  so  that  we  determined 
to  kill  no  more.  The  winter  must  have  been  very 
severe  here,  and  hard  for  the  game,  as  we  have  this 
day  found  several  deer,  one  bear,  and  four  buffaloes 
dead  in  the  woods,  which  seem  to  have  perished  through 
want.  Two  boats  passed  us  in  the  night  for  Kentucky, 
and  one  went  up  the  river  with  a  sail. 

April  7th. — The  weather  is  something  more  moderate. 
We  set  out  about  sunrise,  not  caring  to  remain  too  long 


APPENDIX.  433 

in  our  position  on  the  Indian  shore.  We  kept  a  guard 
out  all  last  night  for  fear  of  a  surprise.  In  the  afternoon, 
we  went  on  shore  with  the  barge,  and  killed  eight 
turkeys.  At  sunset,  the  wind  rising  and  the  prospect  of 
a  squally  night,  determined  us  to  land,  where  we  con 
tinued  until  dawn  of  day. 

April  8th. — This  morning  at  7  o'clock  we  passed  the 
Little  Miami,  and  at  9  o'clock,  Licking  Creek.  The 
lands  on  both  sides  of  the  river  still  continue  to  evince 
the  appearance  of  being  of  the  best  quality.  At  10 
o'clock  went  on  shore  with  the  barge  and  killed  two 
turkeys  and  some  ducks ;  in  the  afternoon  went  on  shore 
again  and  killed  two  turkeys.  At  3  o'clock,  we  passed 
the  mouth  of  the  Great  Miami,  a  beautiful  river,  having 
from  appearances  excellent  bottoms  on  both  sides.  From 
what  I  have  hitherto  seen  of  the  River  Ohio,  and  the 
lands  on  both  sides,  I  make  no  doubt  that  in  time  this 
will  be  the  first  and  most  valuable  settlement  in  North 
America.  At  present,  it  is  inhabited  by  wild  beasts 
only,  whose  music  in  the  night  sounds  rather  harsh  to 
the  ear,  and  puts  me  in  mind  of  heavy  iron  doors  grating 
on  their  hinges.  At  sunset  we  came  to,  in  order  to 
wait  the  rising  of  the  moon. 

April  9th. — At  4  o'clock  we  started,  and  about  10 
came  opposite  the  Big  Bone  Lick,  on  the  east  side, 
about  three  miles  from  the  river.  Here  the  company 
consulted  whether  we  should  make  a  halt  in  order  to 
view  the  Big  Bone  Lick,  but  on  examining  the  map,  we 
find  that  we  have  already  passed  it.  The  ravages 
among  the  game,  made  by  the  severity  of  the  winter, 
are  still  visible,  as  we  see  numbers  of  buffaloes  and 
37 


434  APPENDIX. 

other  game  lying  dead  along  the  shore.  At  1 1  o'clock, 
a  heavy  squall  came  on,  which  compelled  us  to  come  to 
on  the  Indian  shore.  At  3  r.  M.  the  wind  lulled,  and 
we  put  off,  but  coming  opposite  to  Mr.  Lewis's  boat,  we 
were  informed  that  Mr.  Lewis  and  Mr.  Towles  had  gone 
hunting  immediately  on  our  landing,  and  had  not  yet 
returned.  On  receiving  this  information,  we  put  to 
shore  again,  and  kept  firing  signal  guns  until  some 
time  in  the  night,  but  could  hear  nothing  of  our  lost 
companions.  Various  are  the  conjectures  with  regard 
to  their  fate.  Some  are  of  opinion  that  they  have  lost 
themselves,  and  are  unable  to  find  their  way  back  to 
the  boat ;  others  again  are  as  positive  in  believing  that 
they  have  been  intercepted  by  a  party  of  Indians  and 
carried  off;  for  my  part,  I  hardly  know  what  to  think. 
It  rained  and  blew  very  hard  all  night. 

April  10th. — This  morning  the  rain  still  continues, 
and  we  have  no  account  of  our  lost  companions.  We 
have,  however,  agreed  to  wait  for  them  until  10  o'clock, 
and  perhaps  longer,  as  their  situation  must  be  sufficiently 
distressing  already,  but  will  become  much  more  so  if 
we  go  off  and  leave  them  in  the  wilderness,  and  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river,  where  there  are  no  white 
inhabitants.  At  4  o'clock,  p.  M.,  we  gave  up  all  hopes 
of  finding  the  two  gentlemen  who  are  lost,  and  therefore 
concluded  it  would  be  both  needless  and  dangerous  to 
continue  in  our  present  position.  We,  however,  left 
three  men  with  the  barge,  directed  them  to  cross  the 
river  to  the  opposite  side,  and  wait  there  until  to-morrow 
evening,  and  then  if  the  gentlemen  should  not  come,  to 
bring  off  the  boat.  Shortly  after  4  o'clock  we  got 


APPENDIX.  435 

under  way,  much  distressed  at  being  compelled  to 
leave  two  of  our  companions  behind,  without  knowing 
what  may  be  their  fate.  If  they  have  been  taken  by 
the  Indians,  it  must  have  been  by  a  small  party  who 
were  afraid  to  attack  the  boats,  as  they  must  have 
heard  from  the  firing  of  the  signal  guns  that  we  were 
not  badly  provided  with  fire-arms.  It  is  a  sharp  lesson 
to  young  hunters  and  poor  woodsmen. — At  6  o'clock, 
after  coming  about  ten  miles,  we  had  the  pleasure  of 
being  hailed  from  the  shore,  where  we  found  Mr.  Lewis 
and  Mr.  Towles,  who  had  been  travelling  at  random 
the  whole  night,  and  had  got  to  the  river  about  11 
o'clock  this  forenoon ;  so  that  we  have  now  still  three 
men  behind  us,  who  will  follow  us  to-morrow.  At 
sunset  we  passed  the  mouth  of  Kentucky,  where  I 
caught  a  catfish  of  about  eight  pounds  weight,  which 
came  very  seasonably,  as  we  were  almost  tired  of 
turkeys.  We  kept  under  way  all  night,  and  at  break 
of  day  found  that  we  were  about  twenty-five  miles  from 
the  Falls. 

April  llth. — Passed  several  islands,  and  now  begin 
to  see  canebrakes  along  the  shore.  About  11  o'clock 
we  arrived  at.  the  Falls,  and  came  to  in  Bear  Grass 
Creek,  opposite  Louisville ;  here  we  found  Colonel  Clarke 
and  a  number  of  gentlemen  waiting  for  us.  We  were 
saluted  from  Fort  Nelson,  where  Major  Wales  has 
command,  with  three  guns.  Soon  after  our  arrival, 
three  Shawncese  Indians  were  introduced  to  us,  who 
had  been  sent  from  the  nation  to  inform  us  that  the 
road  was  open,  and  that  they  were  willing  to  come  to 
a  treaty.  We  informed  them  that  Congress  had  ap- 


436  APPENDIX. 

pointed  commissioners  to  treat  with  the  different  nations, 
and  that  they  would  soon  receive  official  information 
when  and  where  the  treaty  would  be  held.  They 
seemed  much  pleased,  and  said  they  would  return  im 
mediately  and  give  information  to  their  friends ;  but 
expected  the  great  man  would  not  suffer  them  to  pound 
corn  for  their  sustenance  on  their  way  home,  but  give 
them  some  flour.  We  gave  them  about  fifty  weight, 
and  Colonel  Anderson  and  myself  purchased  and  gave 
them  some  trinkets,  with  which  they  seemed  greatly 
satisfied,  and  promised  to  wear  them  for  our  sakes. 
The  accounts  we  have  from  the  southern  Indians  are 
rather  discouraging.  They  have  two  weeks  since  killed 
a  family,  and  carried  off  four  young  boys  captive ; 
report  likewise  says  that  they  are  determined  to  oppose 
our  surveying  the  lands  in  Cumberland.  In  the  after 
noon,  we  got  our  boat  through  the  rapids,  and  fixed  her 
about  two  miles  below  the  town,  where  we  were  obliged 
to  guard  her,  for  fear  of  a  surprise  from  the  Chicke- 
mogas ;  we  lay  all  night  on  board. 

April  12th. — Rode  to  town.  The  town  consists  of  a 
court-house,  a  jail,  and  seven  huts,  besides  the  fort;  near 
the  town  Captains  Chapman  and  Tipton  lie  buried.  They 
were  killed  and  scalped  by  the  Indians  in  1780,  about  two 
miles  from  this  place,  on  their  way  to  visit  a  neighbour 
ing  station.  About  noon,  was  visited  by  the  Shawenese, 
who  told  me  they  meant  to  set  out  to-morrow  for  the 
nation ;  and  seemed  to  think  that,  as  we  had  given  them 
something  to  eat,  a  little  drink  was  likewise  necessary. 
I  therefore  ordered  them  some  whiskey,  on  which  they 
took  leave.  One  of  them  is  a  near  relation  of  Old  Corn- 


APPENDIX.  437 

stalk,  the  late  Shawenese  chief,  and  is  now  adopted  by 
the  nation  in  the  room  of  Old  Cornstalk  ;  the  second  is 
the  Young  Wolf,  who  is  curiously  ornamented  and  be 
dizened  ;  the  third  is  but  a  common  warrior,  whose  phy 
siognomy  does  not  promise  much,  unless  it  be  cruelty. 
From  the  prospect  of  the  lands  in  the  vicinity  of  this 
town,  and  its  situation,  it  promises  fair  to  become  a  place 
of  great  importance. 

April  13th. — Came  up  to  town,  procured  a  house  in 
the  Fort,  where  we  had  the  papers  lodged,  and  every 
thing  prepared  in  order  to  enable  us  to  proceed  to  busi 
ness. 

April  14th. — Captain  Barbour  set  out  from  this  place 
for  Richmond,  by  whom  I  forwarded  several  letters,  one 
to  my  brother,  one  to  Colonel  Biddle,  and  one  to  Gene 
ral  Weedon.  Several  gentlemen  who  have  been  explor 
ing  the  lands  on  Cumberland  have  returned,  and  report 
that  the  Indians  are  very  numerous  in  that  quarter,  that 
they  are  without  their  squaws,  and  are  busily  engaged 
in  trapping  beaver. 

To  the  17th. — Busily  employed  in  preparing  for  the 
lottery  to  draw  for  priority  of  location.  Wrote  by 
express  to  the  county  lieutenants  of  Lincoln,  Fayette, 
and  Jefferson,  to  procure  the  guard  ordered  by  the  Go 
vernment  to  attend  the  surveyors,  though  we  have  very 
small  hopes  of  procuring  them,  as  the  militia  seem  deter 
mined  not  to  leave  home  at  this  season  of  the  year,  to 
which  they  are  encouraged  by  a  defect  in  the  militia 
laws,  which  inflict  no  other  punishment  than  to  serve 
six  months  in  the  regular  service,  which  at  present  is  no 
punishment. 

37* 


438  APPENDIX. 

April  18th. — Several  bears  were  killed  in  the  vicinity 
of  this  place,  and  we  now  live  as  perfectly  wild  as  if  we 
were  totally  in  the  wilderness.  Bear,  buffalo,  venison, 
turkey,  and  fish,  form  our  whole  and  sole  diet.  The 
fish  caught  in  the  Ohio  are  large  and  excellent  in  quality. 
The  catfish  weigh  from  five  to  one  hundred  and  forty 
weight,  the  mushanengi  or  pike  from  ten  to  forty,  and 
the  perch  from  three  to  fifteen  and  twenty  pounds  ;  the 
latter  is  a  very  delicious  fish.  As  our  whole  dependence 
for  living  is  on  hunting  and  fishing,  we  take  it  by  turns, 
and  I  have  this  day  caught  eleven  fine  perch,  besides 
some  catfish. 

April  21st. — To-day  we  finished  preparing  the  tickets 
for  the  lottery,  and  gave  notice  that  the  drawing  will 
commence  to-morrow  at  nine  o'clock. 

April  22d. — Began  drawing  the  lottery,  but  could  not 
finish. 

April  23d. — Finished  drawing  the  lottery. 

April  24th. — The  lottery  was  drawn  for  the  state  line. 
My  own  tickets  were  rather  high  in  both,  so  that  Sciota 
will  probably  be  the  place  on  which  I  shall  chiefly  have 
my  view. 

April  25th. — Captain  Fitzhugh  set  out  from  this  place 
for  Richmond  ;  by  him  I  wrote  to  Baron  Steuben,  Colonel 
Biddle,  Colonel  Gibson,  and  Mr.  Epple. 

April  26th. — I  wrote  letters  to  the  Governor  and  to 
Patrick  Henry,  Esq.,  advising  them  how  far  we  have 
been  able  to  proceed  in  the  business,  and  stating  the  diffi 
culties  which  at  present  seem  likely  to  retard  our  further 
progress. 

April  27th. — Received  letters  from  the  county  lieu- 


APPENDIX.  439 

tenants,  setting  forth  the  impracticability  of  raising  the 
guard  required.  I  called  a  meeting  of  the  superinten 
dents,  to  inform  them  of  the  determination  of  the  county 
lieutenants,  and  to  request  their  opinion  in  what  manner 
to  proceed.  The  question  was  put  whether  it  would  be 
prudent  and  advisable  to  proceed  to  Cumberland  without 
a  guard.  It  was  determined  in  the  negative,  and  agreed 
to  raise  fifty  men  at  forty-five  dollars  per  month,  to  be 
paid  out  of  the  fund.  Officers  were  appointed  to  raise 
and  command  the  men,  and  the  llth  of  May  selected  as 
the  day  on  which  to  set  out  from  this  place  for  Cumber 
land.  We  likewise  agreed  to  carry  two  brass  grass 
hoppers  from  this  place  for  our  defence. 

April  28th. — Colonel  G.  Slaughter  offered  me  one 
thousand  acres  of  land  within  nine  miles  of  this  place  for 
the  same  quantity  out  of  one  of  my  tracts  on  Sciota, 
which  I  have  determined  to  accept,  and  shall  take  the 
first  opportunity  of  viewing  and  surveying  the  lands. 

April  30th. — Reports  tending  to  prevent  our  proceed 
ing  to  Cumberland  daily  increase,  and  the  motives  begin 
to  appear.  Many  people  are  concerned  in  claims  in 
that  country,  which  they  have  no  chance  of  obtaining, 
unless  they  can  prevent  our  going  there,  and  on  this 
account  many  people  here  are  strangely  prejudiced  and 
throw  every  obstacle  in  our  way  they  possibly  can. 
Though  it  is  certain  we  shall  be  able  to  do  very  little 
this  summer  in  the  surveying  business  on  account  of  the 
thickness  of  the  woods  and  weeds.  This  consideration 
has  induced  me  to  think  seriously  of  returning,  and  wait 
ing  for  an  opportunity  when  we  can  survey. 

May  1  st. — St.  Tamini's  day  ;  a  barbecue  was  given 
by  the  officers,  and  in  the  evening  thirteen  cannon  fired. 


440 


APPENDIX. 


May  2d. — Received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Biddle,  by 
Mr.  Trent.  The  letter  was  brought  to  Fort  Pitt  by  Dr. 
Shields,  to  whom  Colonel  Biddle  refers  me  for  the  news. 

May  3d. — I  informed  some  of  my  friends  that  I  intended 
returning  to  Philadelphia,  as  the  prospect  of  doing  busi 
ness  during  the  summer  was  rather  unpromising.  I 
find,  however,  that  I  stand  but  an  indifferent  chance  of 
returning  from  this  place,  and  shall  be  obliged  to  take  a 
trip  to  Cumberland,  notwithstanding  the  obstacles  which 
seem  to  forbid  it. 

May  4th. — Received  a  letter  from  General  Wilkinson 
relative  to  Colonel  Biddle's  lands.  In  the  evening  seve 
ral  boats  arrived  from  Fort  Pitt,  by  whom  we  received 
intelligence  that  the  Indians  had  a  few  days  ago  killed 
and  scalped  two  men  near  Fort  Wheeling,  and  cut  off 
the  head  of  one  of  them.  This  last  circumstance,  viz., 
the  cutting  off  the  head  of  one  of  the  men,  is  looked  upon 
by  those  who  are  best  acquainted  with  the  customs  of 
the  Indians  as  a  declaration  of  war,  or  as  a  challenge  to 
the  friends  of  the  killed  to  revenge  their  death.  They 
have  likewise  another  mode  of  bidding  defiance,  which 
is  by  leaving  a  spear  or  war-club  in  the  body  of  the  per 
son  killed,  and  then  marking  some  trees  in  a  direct  line 
towards  their  town. 

May  5th. — This  morning  Colonel  Campbell,  the  pro 
prietor  of  this  town,  and  Mr.  Dunlap,  of  Philadelphia, 
arrived  here  from  Fort  Pitt.  A  number  of  people  are 
gathered  here  to-day  to  attend  court.  In  the  afternoon, 
myself  and  other  officers  were  summoned  by  the  sheriff 
to  serve  as  jurymen,  which  employed  us  until  ten  o'clock 
in  the  evening. 


APPENDIX.  441 

May  6th. — Received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Clarke,  in 
forming  me  that  he  was  prevented  from  returning  by 
indisposition,  and  that  he  should  return  immediately  to 
his  family.  We  intended  to  take  a  view  to-day  of 
Colonel  Slaughter's  lands,  but  are  obliged  to  postpone  it 
until  to-morrow. 

May  7th. — A  flag  arrived  on  the  opposite  shore  of  the 
river.  We  sent  a  person  to  bring  it  over,  and  found 
that  it  was  an  Indian  chief  of  the  Piankeshaw  nation 
called  Castia,  with  a  white  man,  formerly  a  Lieutenant 
Dalton,  in  our  service.  Castia  brought  a  belt  from  the 
nation,  and  a  speech  testifying  their  desire  for  peace. 
They  mentioned  to  us  that  the  Kickapoose  have  lately 
killed  five  or  six  men  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  and  had 
burned  one  man  on  the  Iron  banks.  The  Chickesaws 
and  Kickapoose  are  now  at  war  with  each  other  ;  the 
latter  are  our  declared  enemies,  and  the  war-path  leads 
through  part  of  our  lands,  so  that  we  have  everything 
to  fear  from  that  quarter.  The  Wiottonons  have  like 
wise  declared  against  us,  and  six  Delaware  chiefs  are 
now  out  to  plunder  on  the  Ohio. 

May  8th. — This  day  a  general  meeting  of  all  the 
officers  in  this  place  and  its  vicinity  was  called.  The 
obstacles  which  at  present  seem  to  forbid  our  proceeding 
in  the  surveying  business  were  laid  before  them ;  and 
after  a  long  and  tedious  debate,  it  was  determined  that 
two  deputy  surveyors  should  be  sent  on  immediately  to 
run  the  division  line  between  the  Continental  and  State 
lines,  and  that  the  business  of  locating  and  surveying 
must  unavoidably  be  postponed  until  the  1st  of  October 
next. 


442 


APPENDIX. 


May  9th. — Many  persons  who  were  not  present  at  the 
meeting  yesterday,  seem  dissatisfied  with  its  proceedings, 
and  wish  to  have  another  meeting  called  to-morrow,  in 
order  to  reconsider  the  matter.  This  has  been  finally 
agreed  to,  and  the  meeting  is  directed.  [  have  unfor 
tunately  hurt  my  leg,  and  with  my  usual  carelessness 
have  neglected  it,  so  that  I  am  hardly  able  to  move 
about.  Dr.  Skinner  has  been  kind  enough  to  give  me 
medicine,  &c. 

May  10th. — This  morning  Captain  Chaplin,  who  was 
sent  out  to  recruit  the  guard  intended  to  escort  us  to 
Cumberland,  returned  and  informed  us  that  he  had  been 
unable  to  procure  a  single  man,  so  that  we  are  left  to 
shift  for  ourselves.  At  3  o'clock,  p.  M.,  the  officers  met, 
and  debated  a  long  time  whether  we  could  at  present 
proceed  without  running  the  greatest  risk,  not  only  of 
losing  our  lives,  but  destroying  the  fund  without  accom 
plishing  the  business.  A  plan  was  at  last  proposed,  viz., 
that  the  superintendents  should  proceed  immediately  to 
explore  the  country,  return  by  the  1st  of  August,  and 
lay  the  locations  before  the  Board.  The  meeting  then 
broke  up,  and  a  Board  of  Superintendents  was  called  to 
determine  finally.  I  find  that  some  gentlemen  are  very 
violently  in  favour  of  proceeding  immediately  on  this 
business,  and  urge  it  with  warmth,  notwithstanding  all 
the  obstacles  that  seem  to  forbid  it;  and  though  prudence 
seems  to  dictate  a  different  mode,  they  seem  absolutely 
bent.  I  confess  I  shrewdly  suspect  that  those  gentlemen 
mean  to  saddle  the  whole  burden  on  the  superintendents. 
They  are  to  explore  and  locate  the  country  without  a 
guard,  and  without  provisions,  except  what  they  can 


APPENDIX.  443 

carry  on  their  backs.  They  are  to  be  obliged  to  run 
risks  which  few  men  would  wish  to  undertake  for  others; 
and  when  perhaps  this  matter  is  determined  on,  few  or 
none  of  those  men  who  are  at  present  so  violent,  will 
undertake  to  share  the  danger  and  fatigue.  At  6,  p.  M., 
the  superintendents  met,  and  in  a  short  time  agreed  to 
adopt  the  plan  proposed.  I  must  confess  myself  dis 
satisfied  ;  and  though  I  like  the  present  plan  better  than 
the  former  one,  yet  with  me  it  is  only  "  of  two  evils, 
choose  the  least."  I  wish  I  may  conjecture  wrong  when 
I  think  that  one-half  will  never  return;  that  much  money 
will  be  expended  on  it,  and  the  business  remain  unac 
complished.  Perhaps,  too,  from  a  depression  of  spirits 
and  weakness  of  nerves,  I  may  see  danger  where  people 
of  more  robust  constitutions,  and  possessed  with  less 
timidity  than  I  am,  see  none. 

May  llth. — This  morning  at  10  o'clock,  the  super 
intendents  met  and  laid  off  the  lands  for  the  Continental 
line  into  three  districts.  Two  of  them  are  allotted  to 
each  district,  and  each  of  them  is  allowed  a  guide,  who 
receives  the  same  pay  per  day  as  the  superintendent, 
that  is,  85.  My  district  falls  into  the  upper  part  of  the 
country,  from  Muddy  Creek  to  the  line.  My  conjectures 
of  yesterday  already  begin  to  verify.  The  superinten 
dents  are  completely  saddled  with  the  burden ;  and  the 
gentlemen  who  pushed  the  matter  with  so  much  violence, 
have  already  declined  going,  being  otherwise  engaged. 
A  catfish  of  seventy-three  pounds  was  brought  in  to-day. 

May  12th. — The  first  company,  with  the  surveyor 
who  is  to  run  the  division  line  between  Henderson  and 
the  reserved  lands,  went  off  down  the  river. 


444  APPENDIX. 

May  13th. — Mr.  Keightly  and  others  arrived  from 
Fort  Pitt ;  and  this  day  I  have  given  up  the  intention  of 
going  down  to  explore  the  country,  by  the  advice  of  Dr. 
Skinner,  who  thinks  that  my  constitution  at  present  is 
no  ways  able  to  encounter  the  fatigues  we  shall  be  obliged 
to  undergo. 

May  14th. — To-day  the  superintendents,  with  the  sur 
veyor  appointed  to  run  the  division  line,  went  off  to  their 
districts.  They  set  out  in  boats,  and  mean  to  land  as 
near  as  possible  to  their  place  of  destination. 

May  15th. — Fort  Jefferson,  where  we  have  hitherto 
quartered,  is  now  almost  desolate.  The  few  remaining 
families  are  inoculated  for  the  small-pox,  and  the  water, 
through  mere  carelessness,  has  become  nauseous.  The 
people  are  beginning  to  get  sickly,  so  that  I  have  deter 
mined  to  retreat  into  the  country  for  some  time,  for  the 
preservation  of  my  health.  Colonel  Dabney  and  myself 
rode  this  evening  to  Captain  Sullivan's  station,  three  and 
a  half  miles  from  the  Falls.  As  this  is  the  first  of  my 
excursions  from  the  river,  I  was  surprised  to  see  so  fine 
a  country.  Nothing  can  exceed  the  richness  of  the  soil ; 
and  the  luxuriant  growth  of  the  trees,  especially  the 
walnut,  is  almost  incredible.  I  might  perhaps  have  given 
their  dimensions,  but  I  forbear,  dreading  lest  my  memo 
randa  may  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Philistines,  who 
would  immediately  conclude  from  this  specimen  that  I 
was  writing  the  history  of  my  travels,  and  had  taken  the 
usual  liberty  of  travellers. 

May  16th. — Colonel  Slaughter  called  at  Sullivan's,  on 
his  way  to  the  upper  country;  and  as  I  wish  to  see  more 
of  the  country,  I  have  determined  to  accompany  them  to 


APPENDIX.  445 

Colonel  Coxe's  station,  thirty-two  miles  above  this  place. 
At  10  o'clock  we  set  out,  and  passed  Sullivan's  old 
station  and  Kochendahl's,  and  then  travelled  on  a  tole 
rably  plain  beaten  path,  crossed  Floyd's  Fork  and  Salt 
River,  but  saw  no  house  until  we  got  within  two  miles 
of  Coxe's  station.  We  were  overtaken  by  a  very  violent 
storm,  and  arrived  at  Coxe's  about  sunset,  wet  and  much 
fatigued.  Here  we  found  Colonel  Anderson  and  Dr. 
Skinner,  who  had  left  the  Falls  two  days  before  me. 

May  17th. — Colonel  Anderson  made  a  purchase  of 
Mr.  George  May,  of  two  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land 
and  upwards,  in  which  purchase  I  became  a  party.  This 
step  obliges  me  to  set  out  for  Philadelphia  immediately, 
and  I  shall  start  from  here  to-morrow. 

May  18th. — Set  out  for  Lincoln  County;  took  the 
route  by  Parker's,  twelve  miles  distant,  where  we  stayed 
all  night,  without  being  able  to  procure  anything  for  our 
horses,  and  but  little  for  ourselves. 

May  19th. — Started  early,  and  took  the  path.  At  10 
o'clock  halted,  made  a  fire,  and  broiled  some  pigeons  I 
had  killed.  As  soon  as  the  horses  had  done  grazing,  we 
continued  our  route,  and  a  little  after  dusk  arrived  at 
Colonel  Harrod's,  whore  we  continued  all  night.  Made 
thirty-seven  miles. 

May  20th. — Mr.  G.  May  and  myself  rode  to  see  a 
Mr.  Lewis,  where  we  breakfasted.  Here  I  left  Mr.  May, 
and  went  five  miles  further  to  visit  Colonel  Abraham 
Bowman,  who  was  formerly  my  lieutenant-colonel.  I 
got  there  about  12  o'clock,  and  immediately  after  my 
arrival  I  was  taken  with  the  fever  and  ague,  which  will 
perhaps  disable  me  from  going  through  the  wilderness 
38 


44G  APPENDIX. 

with  the  next  company,  who  start  on  the  25th  from  Crab 
Tree  Orchard. 

May  21st. — I  took  an  emetic,  and  in  the  evening  began 
to  take  bark. 

May  22d. — To-day  I  had  the  ague,  but  its  violence 
was  much  diminished.  Colonel  Bowman  persuades  me 
not  to  hazard  the  journey  through  the  wilderness,  unless 
I  am  perfectly  rid  of  it ;  but  as  perhaps  there  may  not 
be  another  company  ready  for  some  time  to  go  that  way, 
and  as  the  Indians  are  still  troublesome,  I  shall  if  pos 
sible  attempt  to  go  on  with  the  company. 

May  23d. — I  determined  to  proceed.  Colonel  Bow 
man  furnished  me  with  two  bacon  hams,  and  some  dried 
buffalo-tongues  for  the  journey.  In  the  afternoon  he  ac 
companied  me  to  the  place  where  Mr.  G.  May  is,  from 
whence  we  proceeded  five  miles  to  Crow's  station.  The 
land  at  this  place  and  its  vicinity  is  excellent.  They 
have  lately  laid  out  a  town  here,  where  the  public  build 
ings  for  the  county  are  to  be  erected.  Captain  Crow 
made  me  a  present  of  one  half-acre  lot. 

May  24th. — Set  out  early  for  Crab  Tree  Orchard*,  in 
company  with  Mr.  G.  May,  Colonel  Slaughter,  and  Mr. 
Towles.  We  rode  twelve  miles  to  Colonel  Logan's, 
where  we  laid  in  four  bushels  of  corn  for  the  journey. 
We  then  continued  on,  and  rode  thirteen  miles  farther 
to  Crab  Tree  Orchard,  where  we  stayed  all  night  with 
Colonel  Edwards.  Here  we  met  with  a  company  who 
have  just  come  through  the  wilderness ;  they  came  safely, 
but  saw  signs  of  Indians  on  the  road. 

May  25th. — This  morning  started  at  break  of  day, 
and  rode  to  Inglishe's  station,  two  miles  from  Crab  Tree 


APPENDIX.  447 

Orchard,  where  the  company  was  to  assemble.  Part  of 
it  was  already  on  the  spot,  and  at  7  o'clock  the  whole 
was  assembled.  Upon  mustering,  the  company  was 
found  to  consist  of  forty-two  men,  one  woman,  and  three 
negroes,  who  were  armed  with  nineteen  guns,  several 
brace  of  pistols,  and  some  swords.  From  this  place  we 
have  now  to  go  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  to  the 
next  cabin  or  station,  twenty-five  miles  to  the  next,  and 
forty  to  the  one  after.  The  company  have  provided 
themselves  with  pack  horses  to  carry  necessaries  for  at 
least  ten  days ,  and  as  we  have  some  reason  to  apprehend 
danger  from  the  Indians,  we  have  determined  to  march 
regularly,  and  to  guard  our  camp  at  night,  to  prevent  a 
surprise.  At  8  o'clock  we  started;  crossed  Shagg's 
Creek,  where  we  nooned.  In  the  afternoon  passed  Great 
Rock  Castle,  and  in  the  evening  Little  Rock  Castle.  As 
soon  as  it  was  dark,  we  turned  and  went  about  three 
hundred  yards  from  the  path,  where  we  encamped  all 
night  under  the  trees,  without  shelter.  It  rained  very 
hard  during  the  whole  night ;  but  to  make  amends,  we 
were  regaled  with  an  excellent  concert  by  the  wolves. 
We  have  ridden  about  thirty  miles  to-day. 

May  26th. — This  morning  at  break  of  day  we  drank 
some  parched  corn  mixed  with  water,  instead  of  coffee, 
and  then  proceeded  ten  miles  further,  where  we  made 
the  first  halt.  We  then  travelled  twelve  miles,  dined, 
and  fed  our  horses ;  in  the  evening  we  made  another 
twelve  miles,  and  encamped  on  Linn  Camp  Creek. 
We  formed  our  camp  on  a  rising  ground,  and  chose  the 
most  advantageous  position  we  could  find  to  guard 
against  a  surprise. 


448 


APPENDIX. 


May  27th. — As  we  are  this  day  compelled  to  travel 
through  the  most  dangerous  part  of  the  wilderness,  we 
march  in  proper  order,  part  of  the  armed  men  in  front, 
and  part  in  the  rear,  with  the  pack  horses  in  the  centre. 
We  passed  several  graves  where  persons  had  been  in 
terred  who  were  killed  by  the  Indians  ;  though  in  fact 
they  cannot  be  called  graves,  as  they  only  raise  a  pile 
of  old  logs  over  the  bodies  to  prevent  the  wolves  from 
devouring  them.  At  11  o'clock  we  passed  a  place  where 
the  Indians  last  year  formed  an  ambuscade  within  six  or 
eight  yards  of  the  road,  and  fired  upon  ten  persons  who 
were  going  to  Kentucky.  They  killed  nine  out  of  the 
ten  ;  the  tenth,  a  girl  of  ten  years  of  age,  was  thrown  off 
her  horse,  knocked  on  the  head  with  the  butt  of  a  gun, 
and  scalped.  She  was  found  on  the  same  day  by  a 
travelling  company,  who  carried  her  to  Kentucky,  where 
she  is  still  living.  The  other  nine  were  thrown  into  a 
hole,  where  a  tree  had  been  blown  up  by  the  roots,  and 
a  pile  of  logs  thrown  upon  them.  At  12  o'clock  we 
arrived  at  Flat  Lick,  where  we  killed  a  buffalo  and 
dined.  We  then  started,  and  at  4  o'clock  crossed  the 
Cumberland  River,  two  miles  beyond  which  we  came  to 
a  place  which  is  much  frequented  by  the  Indians,  and 
not  improperly  called  the  "  Shades  of  Death."  It  lies  on 
a  small  creek  between  two  mountainous  precipices,  and 
is  covered  so  thickly  with  laurel,  that  the  beams  of  the 
sun  cannot  penetrate  at  noonday.  In  the  midst  of  the 
valley  we  found  the  bones  of  several  human  bodies,  on 
which  probably  the  wolves  had  made  a  repast.  I  pro 
posed  making  a  halt  in  order  to  bury  them,  but  the 
gloominess  of  the  place  prevented  the  motion  from  being 


APPENDIX.  449 

seconded.  We  rode  three  miles  farther,  and  encamped 
for  the  night  on  the  waters  of  the  Yellow  Creek,  having 
ridden  fourteen  miles  from  Flat  Lick.  We  formed  a 
picket  of  twenty-four  men  to  stand  guard,  and  kept  four 
sentries  out.  I  had  the  honour  to  be  appointed  sergeant 
of  the  guard,  and  relieved  every  hour. 

May  28th. — We  started  at  sunrise  and  marched  in 
good  order  to  the  foot  of  Cumberland  Mountain,  where 
we  made  a  short  halt,  and  then  proceeded  to  cross  the 
mountain  in  good  order.  On  its  summit,  at  a  spring, 
we  found  the  bones  of  two  grown  persons  and  a  child, 
who  were  butchered  there  last  year  while  they  were 
drinking.  As  soon  as  we  had  crossed  the  mountain,  we 
breakfasted  near  a  fine  stream  ten  miles  from  where  we 
started  ;  then  rode  ten  miles  farther  and  nooned ;  then 
made  another  ten  miles  to  a  point  one  and  a  half  miles 
beyond  Martin's  station. 

May  29th. — Our  horses  begin  to  tire,  and  mine  has 
so  far  given  out,  that  I  am  ob'iged  to  exchange  him. 
We  rode  thirteen  miles  and  stopped  to  breakfast  at  a 
fine  spring.  We  are  now  in  North  Carolina,  and  travel 
almost  in  the  direction  of  the  state  line.  After  we  had 
prepared  ourselves  to  start,  and  some  had  already  mount 
ed,  we  were  alarmed  by  the  barking  of  some  dogs,  and 
at  last  a  dog  with  his  ears  cut  and  trimmed  in  the  Indian 
fashion  made  his  appearance.  The  company,  or  at 
least  some  of  them,  gave  me  a  specimen  of  their  valour  ; 
every  man  prepared  to  shift  for  himself  by  mounting  his 
horse,  while  I  took  post  with  my  gun  at  a  tree,  and 
should  consequently  have  been  left  alone,  if  the  Indians 
had  come  upon  us ;  the  alarm,  however,  blew  over.  In 
38* 


450 


APPENDIX. 


the  afternoon  we  passed  the  valley  station,  and  after  we 
had  ridden  ten  miles,  we  encamped  at  the  foot  of  Wal- 
lin's  Ridge,  at  a  fine  spring.  We  have  hitherto  lived 
on  parched  corn  and  a  little  broiled  bacon,  and  the  pros 
pect  seems  not  lo  brighten. 

May  30th. — We  prepared  to  start  early,  but  one  of 
my  horses  was  missing.  We  stayed  about  an  hour,  but 
were  obliged  to  proceed  without  him.  After  we  had 
gone  on  some  four  miles  we  came  to  a  station,  where  I 
purchased  a  small  horse.  We  continued  on  to  Stock 
Creek,  twelve  miles,  where  we  nooned.  This  afternoon 
crossed  Clinch  River,  rode  fifteen  miles,  and  encamped 
all  night  within  nine  miles  of  the  Block  House. 

May  31st. — Set  off  early;  left  the  Block  House  to 
our  right,  and  took  off  the  road  to  find  some  corn  and 
provisions  for  ourselves,  as  we  are  entirely  out  of  both. 
At  12  o'clock  we  came  to  Edward  Callahan's,  where 
we  regaled  ourselves  with  some  milk,  and  got  some 
corn  at  two  dollars  a  bushel.  As  we  were  much 
fatigued,  we  agreed  to  stay  all  night.  In  the  afternoon 
I  found  it  necessary  to  shift  my  clothes,  in  order  to  rid 
myself  of  the  ticks  I  had  gathered  in  the  wilderness.  I 
went  to  the  river  to  wash,  and  laid  my  body-belt,  which 
contained  my  money,  on  my  clothes,  but  before  I  re 
turned,  somebody  had  made  free,  and  carried  it  off 
without  leave  or  license.  A  very  pretty  affair,  indeed, 
to  be  six  hundred  miles  from  home,  without  a  copper  of 
money  ! — however,  Mr.  May  promises  to  furnish  me 
with  any  sum  I  shall  want.  We  lay  under  a  tree  all 
night  without  a  blanket,  as  we  sent  on  the  boys  to  cross 
the  river,  with  the  intention  of  following  immediately: 


APPENDIX.  451 

but  the  hope  of  making  some  discovery  with  regard  to 
my  money  induces  me  to  continue  until  morning. 

June  1st. — This  morning  started  early,  crossed  the 
north  fork  of  Holston,  and  rode  twelve  miles  to  a  large 
spring,  where  we  nooned.  We  then  rode  thirteen  miles 
to  Washington  Court-house,  where  we  continued  all 
night.  This  evening  I  heard  the  first  whip-poor-will 
this  season ;  there  are  either  few  or  none  in  Kentucky. 

June  2d. — Lay  by  to  recruit  our  horses. 

June  3d. — Started  at  9  o'clock.  Rode  twelve  miles 
to  Major  Daisy's,  then  twelve  miles  farther,  to  the  south 
fork  of  Holslon,  and  then  six  miles  to  Colonel  Arthur 
Campbell's,  where  we  stayed  all  night. 

June  4th. — Set  out  early.  Rode  thirteen  miles  to 
Martin  Staley's,  then  eleven  miles  to  Walter's,  passed 
Fort  Chissell,  and  rode  fifteen  miles  to  Thomas  Sayer's, 
where  we  stayed  all  night. 

June  5th. — Set  out  from  Sayer's.  Rode  eighteen 
miles  to  the  Great  Kanahwa,  where  we  nooned ;  then 
twelve  miles  to  Hand's  Meadows,  where  we  stayed  all 
night. 

June  6th. — Rode  ten  miles  to  Colonel  Madison's,  where 
we  continued  all  day  to  rest  ourselves  and  horses.  From 
the  wilderness  to  this  place  a  number  of  plantations  are 
to  be  seen  along  the  road,  but  the  land  in  general  is 
poor,  although  now  and  then  a  spot  of  good  land  is  to 
be  found.  The  inhabitants,  especially  this  summer,  are 
much  distressed  for  want  of  grain,  and  I  am  told  that 
at  this  time  many  families  are  subsisting  on  milk  and 
greens,  without  a  mouthful  of  bread.  Here  by  accident 


452 


APPENDIX. 


I  discovered  the  thief  who  took  my  money, — one  of  the 
servants  belonging  to  the  company, — and  recovered  the 
greatest  part  of  it.  This  morning  we  crossed  the  Alle- 
ghany  at  a  gap  where  the  mountain  is  passed  almost 
imperceptibly.  On  this  side  the  mountain  is  the  head 
of  Roanoke,  a  fine  spring  issuing  out  of  the  foot  of  the 
hill.  From  thence,  in  the  course  of  a  few  miles,  a 
number  of  small  creeks  unite  with  it,  and  the  river  soon 
becomes  large. 

June  7th. — Set  out  from  Mr.  Madison's  ;  rode  eleven 
miles  to  Smith's,  from  there  twelve  miles  to  the  Great 
Lick,  then  eight  miles  to  Mr.  Brackenridge's,  and  then 
nine  miles  to  the  Widow  Wood's. 

June  8th. — Travelled  nine  miles,  when  we  crossed  the 
south  fork  of  James  River,  thence  to  Mr.  Barclay's, 
eleven  miles,  and  thence  to  Lexington,  twelve  miles. 

June  9th. — Crossed  the  north  fork  of  James  River, 
and  in  the  evening  arrived  at  Staunton,  thirty  miles. 

June  10th  and  llth. — I  found  a  number  of  military 
and  other  acquaintances,  who  pressed  me  to  stay  some 
days  with  them.  As  my  horses  were  much  jaded,  and 
their  backs  hurt,  I  consented,  glad  of  an  excuse  to 
stay,  as  I  was  pretty  nearly  as  much  fatigued  as  my 
horses. 

June  12th. — Set  out  from  Staunton,  crossed  the  south 
fork  of  Shenandoah  to  Mr.  Zimmerman's,  thence  to  Mr. 
Hearne's,  and  thence  to  Mr.  Morris's. 

June  1 3th. — Set  out  early,  and  rode  before  breakfast 
to  Colonel  Beale's.  I  found  all  the  family  well,  but 
the  Colonel  had  not  yet  returned  from  South  Carolina. 


APPENDIX.  453 

June    14th,    Woodstock  ;    17th,    M'Donald's  ;  19th, 

Stone  House;   21st,  Lancaster;   23d,  Shultze's;  24th, 
Reading;  25th,  Trappe ;  26th,  Philadelphia. 


The  following  list  of  the  General  Officers  of  the  Revo 
lutionary  Army  is  added,  as  in  many  instances  a  know 
ledge  of  the  relative  rank  of  commanding  officers  is 
necessary  to  a  perfect  understanding  of  a  campaign. 
Its  preparation  has  cost  no  little  trouble,  on  account  of 
the  scattered  state  of  ihe  materials.  A  perfect  list  of 
this  kind  may  therefore  be  useful  as  a  matter  of 
reference. 

The  first  and  second  tables  give  the  major  and  brigadier 
generals  who  served  in  that  capacity  during  the  war ; 
the  third,  a  complete  list  of  all  major-generals  in  com 
mission  at  the  disbanding  of  the  army. 

1.     MAJOR-GENERAL*. 

Brig.  Gen.     Maj.  Gen. 

1.  Artemaa  Ward,  Mass.  June  17,  '75,  Resigned  Apr.  23, 1776. 

2.  Charles  Lee,        Va.  June  17,  '75,  Dismissed  Jan.  10,  '80. 

3.  Philip  Schuyler,  N.  Y.  June  19,  '75,  Resigned  Apr.  19,  '79. 

4.  Israel  Putnam,  Conn.  June  19,  '75. 

5.  John  Thomas,    Mass.  June  22,  '75,  Mar.  6,  '7(5,    Died  June  2,  '70. 

fi.  Horatio  Gates,  Va.      June  17,  '75,  May  16,  '76,  Suspended  Oct.  5,  '80. 

Restored  Aug.  14, 1782. 

7.  Wm.  Heath,       Mass.  June  22,  '75,  Aug.  9,  '7G. 

8.  Jos.  Spencer,      Conn.  June  22, '75,  Aug.  9,  '76,    Resigned  Jan.  13,  '78. 

9.  John  Sullivan,    N.  II.  June  22,  '75,  Aug.  9,  '76,    Resigned  Nov.  30,  '79. 

10.  Nath'l  Greene,    R.  I.    June  22,  '75,  Aug.  9,  '76. 

11.  Lord  Sterling.     N.  J.    Mar.  1, '76,    Feb.  19, '77. 

12.  Thos.  Mifflin.     Pa.      May  16.  '76,  Feb.  19,  '77,  Resigned  Nov.  7,  '77. 

13.  ArthurSt.Clair  Pa.      Aug.  9, '76,    Feb.  19, '77,  Resigned  Jan.  1782. 

14.  Adam  Stephen,  Va.     Sep.  4,  '76,      Feb.  19,  '77,   Cashiered  Oct.  '77. 
1.5.  Benj.  Lincoln.    Mass        Feb.  19,  '77. 


454 


APPENDIX. 


Bend't  Arnold,  Conn.  Jan.  10,  '?G,  May  3,  '77,     Deserted  Sept.  19,  17 

Lafayette,  Fr.          -  July  31,  '77. 

DeKalb,  Ger.        -  July  31,  '77,   Killed  Aug.  16,  '80- 

Du  Coudray,  Fr.          -  Aug.  11,  '77,  Died  Sept.  16,  '77. 

Robert  Howe,  N.  C.   Mar.  ].'7G,  Oct.  20,  '77. 

A.McDougal,  N.  Y.  Aug.  9,  '76,  Oct.  20,  '77, 

Trios.  Conway, 


N.  C.  Mar.  ].'7G, 
N.  Y.  Aug.  9,  '76, 
Irel'd.  May  13,  '77,  Dec.  14.  '77, 


Steuben.  Prus.      -        May  5,  '7?  . 

W.  Srnallwood,  Md.      Oct.  23,  '76,  Sept.  15,  '80, 
S.  H.  Parsons.    Conn.  Aug.  9,  '76,    Oct.  23,  '80, 
Du  Portail,         Fr.       Nov.  17,  '77,  Nov.  16,  '81, 
Henry  Knox,      Mass.  Dec.  27,  '76,   Mar.  25,  '82. 
Wm.  Moultrie.   S.  C.    Sept.  16,  '76.  Oct.  15,  '82. 


Retired  in  1780. 
Resg'd  B.  G.  Nov.  24,  '77. 
Resig'd  M.  G.  June  '78. 


Retired  Jan.  '81. 
Retired  July  J8,  '82. 
Ret'd  to  France,Nov.'81. 


II.   BRIGADIER-GENERALS. 


1.  Seth  Pomcroy, 

2.  Richard  Montgomery, 

3.  David  Wooster, 

4.  Joseph  Frye, 

5.  John  Armstrong, 

6.  William  Thompson, 

7.  Andrew  Lewis, 

8.  James  Moore, 

9.  F.  W.  cle  Woedtke, 

10.  John  Whitecomb, 

11.  Hugh  Mercer, 

12.  James  Read, 

13.  John  Nixon, 

14.  James  Clinton, 

15.  Christopher  Gadsden, 

16.  Lachlan  Mclntosh, 

17.  William  Maxwell, 

18.  Roche  de  Fermoy, 

19.  DC  Borre, 

20.  Enoch  Poor, 

21.  John  Glover, 

22.  John  Patterson, 

23.  James  M.  Varnum, 

24.  Anthony  Wayne, 

25.  John  P.  De  Haas, 

26.  Peter  Muhlenberg, 

27.  Francis  Nash, 

28.  George  Weedon, 

29.  John  Cadwalader. 


Mass. 

June  22,  '75, 

Refused  to  accept. 

N.Y. 

June  22,  '75, 

Killed  Dec.  31,  '75. 

Conn. 

June  22,  '75, 

Killed  April  26,  '77. 

Mass. 

Jan.  10,  '76, 

Resigned  April  23,  '7C. 

Pa. 

Mar.  1,  '76, 

Resigned  April  4,  '77. 

Pa. 

Mar.  1,  '76, 

Prisoner  July,  '76. 

Va. 

Mar.  1,'76, 

Resigned  April  15,  '77. 

N.  C. 

Mar.  1,  '76, 

Died  in  1777. 

Prus. 

Mar.  16,  '76. 

Died  in  Aug.  76 

Mass. 

June  5,  '76, 

Retired  shortly  after. 

Va. 

June  5,  '76, 

Killed  Jan.  3,  '77. 

N.  H. 

Aug.  9,  '76, 

Retired  shortly  after. 

Mass. 

Aug.  9,  '76, 

Resigned  Sept.  12,  '80. 

N.Y. 

Aug.  9,  '76. 

S.  C. 

Sept.  16,  '76. 

Resigned  in  '77. 

Ga. 

Sept.  16,  '76, 

Prisoner  May  12,  '80. 

N.  J. 

Oct.  23,  '76, 

Resigned  July  25,  '80. 

Fr. 

Nov.  5,  '76, 

Resigned  Jan.  31,  '78. 

Fr. 

Dec.  1,  '76, 

Resigned  Sept.  13,  '77. 

N.  H. 

Feb.  21,  '77, 

Died  Sept.  8,  '80. 

Mass. 

Feb.  21,  '77, 

Retired  July  18,  '82. 

Mass. 

Feb.  21,  '77. 

Mass. 

Feb.  21,  '77. 

Resigned  March  5,  '79 

Pa. 

Feb.  21,  '77. 

Pa. 

Feb.  21,  '77, 

Refused  to  accept. 

Va. 

Feb.  21,  '77. 

N.C. 

Feb.  21,  '77, 

Killed  Oct.  4,  '77. 

Va. 

Feb.  21,  '77, 

Resigned  in  1778. 

Pa. 

Feb.  21,  '77. 

Refused  to  accept. 

APPENDIX. 


455 


30.  William  Woodfurcl, 

31.  George  Clinton, 

32.  Edward  Hand, 

33.  Charles  Scott, 

34.  Ebenezer  Learned, 

35.  Jedediah  Huntington, 

36.  Joseph  Reed, 

37.  Pulaski, 

38.  John  Stark, 

.     39.  De  La  Neuville, 

40.  John  Cadwalader, 

41.  James  Wilkinson, 

-  42.  Jetliro  Sumner, 
43.  James  Hogan, 

*  44.  Isaac  Huger, 

45.  Mordecai  Gist, 

46.  William  Irwine, 

47.  Daniel  Morgan, 

48.  Moses  Hazen, 

49.  Otho  H.  Williams, 

50.  John  Greaton, 

51.  Rufus  Putnam, 

52.  Elias  Dayton, 

53.  Armand, 

54.  Kosciusko, 

55.  Stephen  Moylan, 

56.  Samuel  Elbert, 

57.  Charles  C.  Pinckney. 

58.  William  Russel, 


Va. 

Feb.  21,  '77, 

Prisoner  May  12,  '£0.    Died 

Nov.  13,  1780. 

N.  Y. 

Mar.  25,  '77. 

Pa. 

Apr.  1.  '77. 

Va. 

Apr.  1,  '77, 

Prisoner  May  12,  '80. 

Mass. 

Apr.  2,  '77, 

Resigned  March  24,  '78. 

Conn. 

May  12,  '77. 

Pa. 
Pol. 

N.  H. 

May  12,  '77, 
Sept.  15/77, 
Oct.  4,  '77. 

Refused  to  accept. 
Killed  Oct.  9,  '7l)T<U-  \$W*>*"T 

it             '     -3>           \-    J-0-*3^ 

Fr. 

Aug  14,  '78, 

Resigned  Dec.  4,  '78. 

Pa. 

Sept.  10,  '78, 

Refused  to  accept. 

Md. 

Nov.  6,  '78, 

Resigned  March  G,  '79. 

N.C. 

Jan.  9,  '79. 

N.C. 

Jan.  9,  '79. 

S.  C. 

Jan.  9,  '79. 

Md. 

Jan.  9,  '79. 

Pa. 

May  12,  '79. 

Va. 

Oct.  13,  '80, 

Retired  March  1781. 

Can. 

June  29,  '81. 

Md. 

May  9,  '?2. 

Mass. 

Jan.  7,  '?3. 

Mass. 

Jan.  7,  '83. 

N.J. 

Jan.  7,  '83. 

Fr. 

Mar.  26,  '83. 

Pol. 

Oct.  13,  83. 

Pa. 

Nov.  3,  '83. 

Ga. 

Nov.  3,  '83. 

S.  C. 

Nov.  3,  '83. 

Nov.  3,  '83. 

III.    MAJOR- GEN7ERALS  IN  COMMISSION   AT  THE  CLOSE  OF 
THE  WAR. 


State. 

Date  of  Commission. 

1.  Israel  Putnam, 

Conn. 

June  19,  1775. 

2.  William  Heath, 

Mass. 

Aug.  9,  1776. 

3.  Nathaniel  Greene, 

R.I. 

Aug.  9,  1776. 

4.  Lord  Sterling, 

N.J. 

Feb.  19,  1777. 

5.  Benjamin  Lincoln, 

Mass. 

Feb.  19,  1777- 

6.  Lafayette, 

France, 

July  31,  1777. 

7.  Robert  Howe, 

N.C. 

Oct.  20,  1777. 

8.  Steuben, 

Prus. 

May  5,  1778. 

9.  Henry  Knov. 

Mass. 

Mar«h  25.  1792. 

45(> 


APPENDIX. 


10.  William  Moultrie.  S.  C.  October  15,  1782. 

11.  James  Clinton,  N.  Y.  September  30,  1783. 

12.  John  Patterson,  Mass.  September  30,  1783. 

13.  Anthony  Wayne,  penn.  September  30, 1783. 

14.  Peter  Muhlenberg,  Va.  September  30, 1783. 

15.  George  Clinton,  N.  Y  September  30, 1783. 

16.  Edward  Hand,  penn.  September  30, 1783. 

17.  Charles  Scott,  Va.  September  30, 1783. 

18.  Jedediah  Huntington,  Conn.  September  30, 1783. 

19.  John  Stark.  N.  H.  September  30, 1783 


THE    END. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
BERKELEY 

Return  to  desk  from  which  borrowed. 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


41352  lH 

pa/56PL 


197419 


RBCD  CIRC 
INPreRUBR. 


MAY  3  : 
UNIV.  OF  CA 

)  21-1007n-9,'48(B399sl6)476 


AUG  9     1372 

REC.  CIR.OCT  12  '77 


dPT        APRi5'/4#l 
RY  LOAN 

1S77  RECLCIR.JUN2Q 


UF.f  BERK. 


VB  373C5 


398666 


VERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


'H<        iitUH 


